Secretary for Imperial and Foreign Correspondence: Private Secretary to Prime Minister: By virtue of the Judicial Com- mittee Amendment Act, , as amended by the Appellate Jurisdiction Acts, and , the following Judges from the Dominions beyond the Seas are members: Deputy Registrar and Reporter: The Exchequer Court sits at Ottawa on every Tuesday being a juridical day, except in the vacations, and on such other days as are fixed by special order, and in places outside Ottawa on such dates as are fixed by special order, or by general order published in the Canada Gazette. Deputy Minister of Justice: McGillivray; Bene de Salaberry; J.epay.vg/cell-phone-location-program-reviews-oppo-rx17.php
Drake, Victoria; Deputy Registrar, A. C, Halifax; Registrar, J. Routhler, Quebec; Registrar, R. Parkin, Que- bec; Deputy Judge, Hon. Stone- house, Toronto; Surrogate Judges: Doyle, Goder- ich for Huron and Bruce ; J. Bishop, Owen Sound; D. Marie; James Meek, Port Arthur. These Districts are presided over by the Local Judge In Admiralty of the Exchequer Court, who has within his District the Juris- diction and the powers, and authority relating thereto, of the Judge of the Exchequer Court in respect of the Admiralty Juris- diction of that Court.
The Local Judges have authority, with the approval of the Gover- nor in Council, to appoint Deputy Judges, who, after appoint- ment, have the same powers and authority as the Local Judge. The Governor in Council is authorized to appoint for any District or portion thereof, a Surrogate Judge or Judges, who have certain limited Jurisdiction.
Registrars, Marshals and other officers and clerks are also appointed by the Governor in Council. Appeal may also be had direct to the Supreme Court of Canada. The Exchequer Court exercises Jurisdiction over prize matters. Secretary of the Board: C, Woodstock; Felix Michaud, Buctouche. Chairman and Director of Conservation: Director of Agricultural Labour: Deputy Cleric Supreme and District Courts: Cterk of the Supreme Court: Cleric of the District Court: His Honor Judge Wm.
John Malcolm, Red Deer. Clerk of the Supreme Court: Clerk of the District Court: The officers of the Judicial District of Red Deer will act. His Honor John A. Chrh of the Supreme Court: Clerk of the District Covrt: Publis Administrators and Official Assignees: Herh of the Supreme Court: Tlerk of the Disfrift Court: Public Administrators and Official Assignees: His Honor George W. CUrJe of District Court: His Honor James J. Clerh of the District Court: Agent for Attorney General: John Quigg, Red Deer.
Cleric of the Supreme Court: Vacant Cleric of the District Court: Puhlic Administrators and Official Assignees: His Honor W, A. Fee registering hire receipts and orders for chattels. Camrose which correspond with same named Judicial Districts. There are also five other districts, viz. South Alberta — Being composed of all that portion of the Prov- ince of Alberta which lies to the south of the ninth 9 correction line.
Where there is no Barrister, reference is made to nearest place with a resident Barrister. Mavor, Rob- ert McLean. Card, Page Cameron, J. Ed- ward Coleman, W. Card, Page Forsyth, H. Hannah, Stirton A Fisher. Alex Hannah, David M. Jones, Pescod A Hayden. Lent, Wackay A Mann. McLean, Patterson A Broad. Muir, Jephson, Adams A Brownlee. Adams Sec'y Law Soc. Card, Page Nichols A de Roussy.
Card, Page Patterson A Macdonald. Peacock, Skene A Skene. Mark Bennett Peacock, Geo. Card, Page Robertson, E. Savary, Fenerty A Chad- wlck. Otty Savan-, Lloyd H. Card, Page Sinnott, Herbert A. Stuart Duncan A Power. Wright, Wright A Craw- ford. Cal- gary, Smith, Michael. Emery, Newell A Ford. C, Frank Ford, K. Ho watt, Neville R. Card, Page Friedman A Lleberman. Card, Page Gariepy A Belanger. Grlesbach, O'Connor A Co. Card, Page Harrison, Wilfred Q. Card, Page Hill-Male, Richard.
Hyndman, Milner A Mathe- son. Card, Page Lamont, John J. Card, Page McCaui, C. Wal- lace McDonald, R. Card, Page Mode, A. Card, Page Rea, William. Robertson, Winkler A Co. C Jamieson, Charles H. Card, Page Scott, Walter S. Card, Page Stuart A Stewart. Van Allen, George H. Card, Page Wallbridge A Henwood. Field, John Macalister, W. Card, Page Young, George. Card, Page Sutherland, D. Card, Page McCorquodale, A. Card, Page MacDonald, A. Card, Page Dunham, S.
Men- Ostlund, H. Card, Page Smith, R. See Province Saskatche- wan. Card, Page Fawcett, J. McDonald, Martin A Mac- kenzie. Card, Page Davidson A Beattie. Card, Page Short A Frasep.
Cal- garv'- Lawrence, A. Card, Page Roberts, C. Card, Page Ouigg. Card, Page Munro, H. Card, Page Malloch, James. Loggie, Manley A Murphy. Card, Page Wilkins, E. Ure, Robert See Calgary. Chief Justice of Appeal: Chief Justice of B. Inspector of Legal Offices: Secretary and Law Beporter: The Attorney-General for Canada; Hon. Farris, Attorney- General for B. McCreight, retired Judge, Benchers— Elected. John Shirley, Prince Rupert. Registries at Atlin, Prince Rupert and Smithers. West Kootenay East Kootenay Hon. C Moore, Golden; W. Howay, New Westminater, Sheriff: Registries at Chilliwhaclc, New Westminster and Yale.
Kerman, Grand Forks; W. Dotted lines show Judicial Districts. Other bound- ary lines show Land Eegistry Districts. Begistrar of Joint Stoch Companies: Where there is no Barrister, reference is made to nearest place icith a resident Barrister. Card, Page Macdonald A Nisbet. Van- couver, See New West- minster. Sher- wood Herchmer, Alan Graham. Card, Page 41i Lawe A Fisher.
Card, Page 41S Kerf, P. Fulton, IMorley A Clark. Leighton, Ross A Elder. Hampton Bole, Robert A. Whiteside, Edmonds A Whiteside. Card, Page Tunbridge, N. Card, Page 41S Hansford, W. Card, Page 41S Macdonald, Donald. Abbott, Macrae A Co. Card, Page 41S Alexander, H. Card, Page 41S Arnold, C. Bloomfleld, Edgar, Credit Foncier Bldg. Card, Page Boyd, G. C, 16 Hastings St. Cameron A Cameron, Rog- ers Bldg. Campbell A Singer, Seymour St. C, Joseph Martin, K.
Craig A Parkes, Fairfield Bldg. Daly, William, Hastings St. Darling A Noble, Hast- ings w. Clarence Darl- ing, J. Pugh, Douglas Armour, E. Downle, Donald, Gran- ville St. Earle A Sutherland, Winch Bldg. Ellis A Brown, Rogers Bldg. Farrls A Emerson, Pacific Bldg. Gardiner A Wyness, Hastings St. Grlffln Martin A Co. C, Canada Life Bldg. Card, Page Hunter, A. Johnston, Adam Smith, Birks Bldg. Jones, Griffith, Hastings St.
Klllam A Beck, Pacific Bldg. Cecil Killara, James E. Card, Page King, Garfleld A. McLellan A White, Hastings w. Mackintosh, Alan C, Maitland A Maltland, Rog- ers Bldg. Moore A Stewart, Paci- fic Bldg. Milton, Gran- ville St. Neville, Gredit Foncier Bldg. Smith, Donald, Duncan Bldg. Card, Page Sutherland, G. Sir Gharles Hibbert Tupper, K. Whiteside A Larsen, Rog- ers Bldg. Adolphus Wil- liams, K. Wilson A Whealler, Winch Bldg. Zimmerman, George, Pender St. Barnard, Robertson, Hels- terman A Tait. Bullock-Webster, ' Beckwith, H. Card, Page Bowser, W. Bradshaw A Stacpooie, Union Bk.
Card, Page Courtney, H. Crease A Crease, Central Bldg. Elliott, Maclean A 8hand- ley, Central Bldg. Kemp, C King, A. C Macfarlane A Boyle. Pooley, Luxton A Pooley. Wootton A Han key, E. Segittrar and Taxing Officer: Court Officials at Winnipeg. Winnipeg, Sir James Aikins, K. C; Portage la Prairie, E. Gregory Barrett, Portage la Prairie. Home, Portage la Prairie. Macdonald, Portage la Prairie. Colwill, Portage la Prairie.
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Canadian Guaranty Trust Co. Deputy Clerk of Crown and Pleas: Toronto General Trusts Corporation, Winnipeg. Malo, Rat River Settlement, St. Agathe north of lots and and tps. Laurent, and the Settlements of Westbonme and Oak Point, tps. Marshall, Portage la Prairie; Dep. Agathe south of lots to Card, Page Morrow, John. Card, Fage de Manbey, Wm. Card, Page Robson, H. Bowman, McFadden A Caldwell.
Bow- man, John N. Simpson, McGirr A Co. Card, Page Rowe. McLeod, Black A Co. See Rus- sell- , ,. Card, Page Allen, C. Auld, James, Paris Bldg. Broad A Hamilton, Somer- set Bldg. Campbell, David, Electric Ry. Chapman A Green, Elec- tric Ry. Coupar, James, Curry Bldg. Crichton, McClure A Co. Card, Page Deacon, Edgar A. Donovan A Scott, Merchants Bk. Dubuc, Albert, Canada Life Bldg. Elliott, Macnell A Co. C, James Fisher, K. C, Curry Bldg.
Qarland A Anderson, Elec- tric Ry. Graham A Graham, Aikins Bldg. Haney A Mitchell, Mclntyre Block. Isaac Camp- bell, K. C Fer- guson, A. C, Horace Or- mond, H. Hudson, Ed- ward Spice, H. City Solici- tor , R. Isbister A Morton, Mclntyre Block. Thomas Morton, Claude Isbister. Lawrence, Johnston A Maj- or, Elec. Mckerchar, Morrisey A Masterman, Mc. Monteith, Fletcher A David. Moran, Edward Anderson, K. Bedford Mul- ock, K. Beaven Lindsav, Angus McDon- ald. Hugh Phiilipps, C S. Card, Page 4S1 Prince, R. Card, Page 4g2 Richardson, C. Ross, Har- old M. Honeyman, Union Trust Bldg.
Foley, Alexander Adams, G. Allan Mc- Kay Bldg. James Paul Byrne, K. Deputy Begistrar in Chancery Division: Ex-officio The Attorney General: Additional Members of the Council: Members of Council of St. Marks Mills; Gloucester— G. Eobidoux; Kings — J. Adair; Madatvaska — J. C; Northumberland — A. Whalen; Queens — J. Sanford; Sunbury — J. Sharkey; Victoria — A. Westmor- land, See Sackville. North- umberland, See New- castle.
Northum- berland, See Chatham. Northum- berland, See Fredericton. Card, Page Kelly, M. Ghar- Idttp, See St. Westmor- land, See Shediac. Char- lotte, See St.
Albert, See Sus- sex. Carle- ton, See Hartland. West- morland, See Moncton. Card, Page Murphy, F. Northumber- land, See Newcastle. Glou- cester, See Bathurst. Westmor- land, See Moncton. Barnhlll, Ewing A San- ford. Sinclair, Ken- netii J. Gloucester, See Freder- Icton. Powell, Trites A Richard. Westmor- land, See Petitcodiac. J, Freeze Freeze, J.
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Card, Page 4S4 Connell, E. Card, Page Ketchum, T. C Begistrar of Deeds and Companies: During the second week in January and the first weeks in February and March respectively, hearing in banc, During the third week in January and the second weeks in February and March respectively, trials and hearings of causes and matters with witnesses, with or without juries. During the third week in February, criminal causes.
During the first weeks in April, May and June respectively, and the fourth week in June, hearings in banc. During the second weeks in April, May and June respectively, causes and matters with witnesses. During the third week in May, criminal causes. During the first weeks of October, November and December respectively, hearings in banc. During the second weeks in October, November and December respectively, causes and matters with witnesses. During the third weeks in October and November respectively, criminal causes. May be tried at any time. Terms are fixed each year by proclamation of the Grovemor, The Southern Circuit usually sits from August 15th to September 10th; the Northern Circuit from September 10th to October 1st: Harbour Grace District Court.
Minister of Justice a7id Attorney-General: Leo Carter, Thomas Halley. Ralston, Hanway A Parker. Rogers, Mflner A Purdy. Hali- fax, Counsel , F. Card, Page Smith, Charles R. Douglas, John C, B. Covert, Pearson A McNutt. Fish, Miss Frances L. Henry, Rogers, Harris A Stewart. C, T, Sherman Rogers, K. Card, Page Hunt, J. C, Stuart Jenks, K. C Mac- donald, F. Tre- malne Taxing Master. Maclean, Paton, Burchell A Ralston. Lay- ton Ralston, K. Murray, McKinnon A Daley. C O'Hearn, Walter J. O'Mullin, John C, K. C Yeoman, Robert F. ShafTner, Outhit A lllsley. Card, Page 4S6 Wickwire, Hon.
Card, Page 4S6 Butts, Robt. C Tanner, Charles E. Card, Page 4S6 Ellis. Qillles A Hill, J. Chief Justice of Ontario: Justices of Appellate Division: Begistrar, and Begistrar of Ontario Election Court: Chief Justice of the Common Pleas: Chief Justice of the Exchequer: Justices of the High Court Division: Senior Begistrar of the High Court Division: Cleric of Dominion Election Court: Begistrar and Cleric of Weekly Court: Cleric of JJ on- Jury Sittings: Marshal and Cleric of Assize: Cleric of the Crown and Pleas: Clerk of liecords and Writs: Master-in-Ordinary of the Supreme Court: Assistant Master in Ordinary: Davidson, Inspector and Referee of Titles: John Bruce, Toronto; W.
McDougald, Cornwall; Miss K. C, Kingston; Miss E. Accountant of the Supreme Court of Judicature for Ontario: Junior Clerk of Non-Jury: Referee under Drainage Laws: Land Titles Office, County of York. Deputy Master of Titles: Surrogate Clerk for Ontario: Clerk of Executive Council: Benchers of the Law Society — Ex-Officio: Hon, Charles Joseph Dohebty, K.
Isaac Benson Lucas, K. Sib Chables Hibbebt Tuppeb, K. Sm John Mobison Gibson, K. C, sometime Attorney- General for Ontario [21st Oct. Sib Allen Bbistol Aylesworth, K. C, sometime Solicitor-General of Canada [81st May, ]. C, sometime Solicitor General of Canada [5th February, ]. C, Solicitor General of Canada [4th October, ]. James Vebnall Teetzel, K. C, [10th Fbancis Henby Chbysleb, K. Zebulon ArroN Lash, K. Alfbed Henby Clarke, K. William Dbummond Hogg, K. C, [19th April, ]. Elected to hold Office until the First day of Foster Term, Vendor's Solicitor, preparing deed or transfer , answering requisitions and completing sale, one-half the fees for an ordinary title under Item No.
Sale agreements in duplicate according to the importance of the services rendered Minimum charge 5. One-half of fees in Item 7 Minimum charge 7. By-laws, preparation of, with all services incident to organization Minimum charge Supplementary Letters Patent, preparing all papers and procuring the issue of same, according to the importance of the matter and the services rendered Minimum charge Claims received by solicitors for collection, and which are paid directly to the client after an effort by the solicitors to collect, shall be subject to the same charges as if paid to the solicitors.
Suit will not be instituted for the collection of a claim or any expense incurred without authority from the client, but instructions to commence legal proceedings carries authority to incur at the client's expense all necessary costs and disburse- ments. Claims on which actions are commenced, are subject in addition to collection charges and whether collected or not, to costs according to the court tariff applicable. By these Acts all real and personal property vested in any per- son without the right of survivorship in any other person, devolves at his death and becomes vested in his personal representative from time to time as trustee for the persons by law beneficially entitled, and subject to the payment of debts or some prior effectual dis- position, the property is administered and distributed in like man- ner as personal property is disposed of.
Nothing in these Acts takes away a widow's right to dower; but a widow may by deed or instrument in writing, attested by at least one witness elect to take her interest in her husband's undisposed of real property in lieu of all claim to dower in respect of the real property of which her husband was at any time seize'I, or to which, at the time of his death, he was beneficially entitled; and unless she so elects she shall not be entitled to share in the undisposed-of real property.
The personal representative of the deceased may by a notice In writing require her to make her election, and if she fails to execute and deliver a deed or instrument of election to him within six months after service of notice she shall be deemed to have elected to take her dower. A husband, who, if these Acts had not been passed, would be entitled to an interest as tenant by the curtesy in real property of his wife, may by deed or instrument in writing executed, and attested by at least one witness and delivered to the personal repre- sentative, if any, or if there is none, deposited in the oflBce of the Surrogate Clerk at Toronto within six months after his wife's death elect to take such interest in the real and personal property of his wife as he would have taken had these Acts not been passed, in which case the husband's interest therein shall be ascertained In all respects as if these acts had not been passed, and he shall be entitled to no further interest thereunder.
The property, both real and personal, descends as follows: One-half of the real and personal estate belongs to her husband absolutely, and the residue will descend according to rules in Divi- sion I. The husband, however, may elect to take his curtesy in his wife's real estate instead of his distributive share thereof. One-third of his real and personal estate will go to his widow absolutely, and the residue will go to his child, if only one; if more than one, in equal portions amongst his children, and such persons as legally represent such children.
Provided, however, that his widow may elect to take her dower instead of a distribu- tive share in her husband's estate. Same as descent of property of a married man with issue, except that the proviso is that the husband may elect to take his curtesy instead of a distributive share of the real and personal estate of the intestate.
The principle of Representation is carried throughout the whole line of direct issue. For instance, if a parent be dead, then the child or children take the share that would have fallen to the parent. If a person die leaving no will and leaving no widow or widower and no kindred the estate escheats to the Crown. The debts of a deceased person take priority over everything and must be paid out of the estate before the heirs can participate. Kindred of the half blood inherit equally with those of the whole blood in same degree. Posthumous children have the same rights as other children In the distribution of intestates' estates.
An illegitimate child or relative shall not share under any pro- visions of these Acts, and a person born out of matrimony shall not become legitimate by subsequent marriage of his parents. Court Gerk " Surr. Weetbrook Judge A, D. WiUcei Clerk of Peace. Thomas Dixon Clerk of Peace. John Bishop Dep'y Registrar. Ritchie Clerk of Peace. Island Clerk of Peace.
McCrimmon Clerk of Peace. Address of all except the Sheriff and Reg. George Smith Local Master Rodd Clerk of Peace. Sheriff Thomas Dawson Judge H. Gibson Kingston City ; J. Dyre Clerk of Peace. Arrell Clerk of Peace. Dick Clerk of Peace. Carnew Olerk of Peace. Seager Olerk of Peace. Court Clerk " Surr. Smith Clerk of Peace.
Wilson Clerk of Peace. Baldersnn Clerk of Peace. Browa Clerk of Peace. Brennan Clerk of Peace. Craig Clerk of Peace. McKillop Clerk of Peace. Thomas Johnson Clerk of Peace. McKee Clerk of Peace. Sheriff Walter Tisdall Judge A. SUght Clerk of Peace. Kerr Clerk of Peace. Farewell Clerk of Peace. Ball Clerk of Peace. Morphy CTerk of Peace. MePhersoa Clerk of Peace.. Hatton CTerk of Peace. John MaxweO Clerkof Peace. Barker Judge Vacant Local Marter. Hubbe CTerk of Peace.
Croome Clerk of Peace. Court CTerk " Surr. Bnrritt Clerk of Peace. Harvey Judge G- M. R- O'Reilly Local Master.. Harkness Clerk of Peace. Hay ward Local Master Smiley Clerk of Peace. John McKay Crown Attorney. Stinson Clerk of Peace. Bowlby Clerk of Peace. Macdonald Clerk of Peace. Middleton Judge Colin G. Washington Clerk of Peace. McKay Master of Titles. Sheriff Fred'k Mownt Crown Attorney. Number before name is key to agency system, see page Bosworth, 15 Armstrong, S. A Grierson, Bay St.
Card, Page Si. Sir Allen Aylesworth, K. McLean Macdon- ell, K. Ross Gooderham, George E. Special Examiner , City Hall. Shaw, Joseph Mont- gomery, H. Johnston, City Sohcitor; Assis- tant Solicitors: City Crown At- ty. Hamil- ton, Donald R. Hos- Coughim, James P. Gwynne Special Ex- aminer. James Walter Currj-, K. C, 24 Adelaide e. Hartley De- wart, K. John, Queen St. Law Clierk of the House, Parliament Bldgs. Card, Page Evans-Lewis, Chas. Factor, Percy Shul- man. Robertson, Alex'der Fasken, 0. Card, Page Fetlierstonliaugh, Fred. C, Royal Bank Bldg. C, 15 Tor- onto St. Louis Mona- han, E.
C, 76 Adelaide St. C, German, Harvey ft. Card, Page Grier, A. C, 28 Wellington St. C, 76 Ade- laide St. Lincoln Hun- ter, G. C, James Hales, Frederick Irwin. Clute, John Jen- nings. C, Robert McKay, K. C, Andrew Dods, Gideon Grant. Card, Pane Johnston, Wm. McDon- ald, Yonge St. Samuel King, Oscar H. Work- men's Compensation Board.
With National Trust Co. C, Tem- ple Building. Offi- cial referee , Lumsden Bldg. First reported by Cartier, these shell beads had 1. Collection de Manuscrits I: Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, XL:. Originating with the Iroquois, its use spread among the coastal Algonkins, and was used by the Micmac, Malecite and Abenaki, as well as by others to the south and west.
Metal tools simplified its manufacture from the linings of conch shells and the quahog clam, so that its use became much more wide-spread after the advent of Europeans. Tobacco also had a special role with mystical connotations. For the Indians, this usually meant giving wampum, pipes, furs, or tobacco, and receiving guns, ball, powder, flints, tools, utensils, clothing. Brandy was also used, but at lie Royale at least it seems to have been mainly for the attendant ceremonies.
The French used gift diplomacy skilfully, offering the protection of the military-trade alliances which the gift-giving ceremonially renewed. Without these cyclical renewals, the alliances would have died. The fact that this diplomacy was so effective against the better trade values offered by the English was due to the attitude of the Indians, who did not like fluctuating prices 1.
For a description of negotiations with wampum collars, bracelets and earrings as well as calumets, sec Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, XL:. Intendant Jacques Duchesneau reported that while the Western Indians did not want to be deceived in the sale of merchandize, they would "respond liberally to the presents they [the French traders] make, without exacting any, since it is certain that they are well content if they get only half the value of what is received from them".
They admired generosity to the point of impoverishin themselves, which did not strike Abbe Pierre Maillard as a virtue in the Micmas: It is neither gaming nor debauchery that disable them from the payment of their debts, but their vanity, which is excessive, in the presents of peltry to other savages, who come in quality of envoys from one country to another, or as friends and relations upon a visit to one another.
Then it is, that a village is sure to exhaust itself in presents; it being a standing rule with them, on the arrival of such persons, to bring out everything they have acquired, during the winter and spring season, in order to give the best and most advantageous idea of themselves. The Indians were also capable of driving a hard bargain, as Governor Raymond discovered. He reported that "nos Mikmaks m'ont demandc, pour prix de leur fidclite pour le Roy, de vous engager, Monseigeur, a leur faire tourner 1'augmentation de presens qu'on leur donne depuis quelques annees, en presents ordinaire".
He added that the Indians had great confidence in him "melee de crainte depuis une petite punition que j'ai faite a deux sauvages, que les autres ont fort approuve". In other words, the French exercised as much authority as they could over the Indians while giving in to their demands. Although gifts were essential in Indian diplomacy, they did not automatically ensure success for a mission. When the French began to establish Louisbourg, they relied on gifts to help persuade the Indians to move to lie Royale.
There was distrust on both sides, in Acadia as elsewhere in New France. But both sides had to accept the situation as it was. France's centralized form of government enabled her to organize her gift diplomacy more or less uniformly throughout New France. The decentralized English colonies, each jealous of its own authority, had as many gift policies as it had colonial governments -- perhaps even more, because local governments sometimes took the initiative into their own hands. While no evidence has been found that the French King ever ennobled an Indian, the recurring belief among the Indians that they had been so honoured leads one to the conclusion that the French authorities did nothing to disabuse them of the idea.
While it is evident today that the Indian cultures were doomed from the moment Europeans established their colonies in the New World, it was by no means so clear at the time. For a general treatment of this subject, see Wilbur S. In one case even the colonial authorities seemed to be convinced that this had actually happened. See Governor Raymond's dispatch concerning Chief Denis whose grandfather was reported to have been ennobled. This is dealt with more fully in Chanter V. The famous half-indian leader Bcrnard-Ansclme d'abbadie de Saint-Castin, fourth baron of that name, inherited his title from his father.
The French, aware of the effect of this technological inundation on traditional Indian values and beliefs, and eager to take advantage of it, quickly learned that persuasion was a far more effective weapon than intimidation in controlling attitudes. Even a chief, wrote Loskiel, dare not venture to command, compel or punish any one, as in that case he would immediately be forsaken by the whole tribe.
Every word that looks like a command is immediately rejected with contempt by an Indian, proud of his liberty. The chief must endeavour to rule over his people by calm reasoning and friendly exhortation. Perrot, an early fur trader and land-owner, expressed it bluntly: Le sauvage ne sgait ce c'est que d'obeir: Loskiel, History of the Mission of the United Brethren Among the Indians in North America, London, ", The Indians' response to rhetoric impressed Father Paul Le Jeune, superior of the Jesuits of Quebec from to , who was sure that nowhere else in the world did eloquence have more effect.
All this demanded a complex diplomacy on the part of the French. As they could not forbid their Indian allies from dealing with the English, or order them to go to war, they had ro rely on such leaders as the half-indian Baron de Saint-Castin to convince them that "leur propre conservation et la seurete de leurs families depend de la veritable et sincere union d'esprit et de religion qu'ils conserveront avec nous et qu'il est a propos qu'ils conservent tant que la guerre durera entre les princes en Europe.
The italics are mine. These were sometimes general statements, as in the case of the instructions to Courcelles in or to de Forant in More often, however, they were sketchy, perhaps a single paragraph buried in pages of other matter. Specific procedures were left largely to the discretion of the governor. As with questions of Indians and French law, each point was decided as it arose; France's Indian policy thus emerges, somewhat in the manner of English common law, from a series of specific decisions arrived at under the all-embracing necessity of maintaining the Indians in active alliance to the French cause in the face of English rivalry.
Throughout the history of New France the tone is consistent as the goal never varied; Indians were to be treated with every consideration and violence was to be avoided, although some notable lapses occurred, as with the Iroquois, Fox and Chickasaw. Recognizing that the men were primarily hunters, they pinned their faith on the women who were reported to be "tres laborieuses et surtout pour la culture du mais qui est leur nourriture".
The techniques by which these goals were to be reached were also established early. They were listed by John Nelson, Boston merchant: Fourthly by encouraging the youth of the Countrey in accomnanying the Indians in all their expeditions. A fifth, tried early and later discarded, was to send "eminent and enterprizing" Indians to France "to amaze and dazzle them with the greatness and splendour of the French Court and Armie". Courcelle au sujet des indiens, Ibid.
This was regarded by John Nelson as the best means of all of ensuring their loyalty, particularly when the French gave the same treatment to Indians taken prisoner from the British colonies. However, it was discontinued as too expensive in relation to the results achieved. Indians had proved to be not so easily impressed. Gift diplomacy, honours and paid commissions for rank were the most effective means. Sending young Frenchmen to live with the Indians also served well, but raised serious problems, which we have already touched upon.
The French were never as comfortable with their wilderness friends as Nelson or popular legend would have us believe. The Indians' conception of personal liberty made them uncertain allies at best. The fact that "le sauvage n'a point de maitre", to assure control.
Champlain set the tone: New France's dependence upon its Indians, both economically and militarily, forced the absolute monarchy of France to compromise some of its most sacred principles. Haliburton expressed it differently: Charles de Beauharnois de la Boische, Governor of New France, and Intendant Gilles Hocquart seemed to have had such an idea in mind when they wrote Maurepas It is highly important to preserve the Indians attached as they have alwavs been to France; the rnglish have been deterred from forming any settlement in Acadia solely to the dread of these Indians; and though the latter do in one respect embarass the French, whose cattle they from time to time even publicly carry off for their support, the French are not sorry to see them residing in the Province, and themselves, as it were, under their protection.
Haliburton, An historical and statistical account of Nova Scotia 2 vols. The particular nature of their contact was the deciding factor, as it was also for the English and Spanish. If the French cherished the Indians, as Parkman wrote, it was for solidly practical reasons. For their part the Indians, unable to control French policy or the course of the Anglo-French conflict any more than they could that of the fur trade 1 nevertheless influenced the character of all three.
Thus France's Indian policy emerges as a blend of give-and-take, of giving when necessary to ensure Indian alliances in trade and war, of taking when reaping the profits or the fur trade. At Louisbourg, the emphasis was to be on the maintenance of alliances, for the Indians formed, in effect, the outer defen of the fortress.
They became the fortress' guerrilla arm, protagonists in the long-drawn out confrontation between English and French which was not to be settled until the fall of New France in Because they influenced the character of this conflict in Acadia, we will examine in some detail who the Micmac were,, their cultural background, their relationships with other Indians as well as with colonizin. And because of the importance of the missionaries in this issue from all points of view, including the military, we will pinpoint as far as we are able the Indians' attitudes toward these controversial figures.
But when all is said and done, it was the Micmac who were in the middle, caught between contending France and England. Thev called themselves El'nu, "true men," these people of the North Atlantic Coast who could well have been the first Indians of North America to come in contact with 1.
Today they are known as Micmacs, probably derived 2 from "Migmac" meaning "allies", although some authorities believe it is derived from "Miscou", an early gathering place 3 for fishing and trading. The first use of the term Micmac appears to have been in a memorandum of by Charles Aubert de la Chesnaye, New France's leading business man of the period. The term "Canadian" may also have been applied to them as well as to others in very early times. Their allies, the Malecite, were the Etchemin of Champlain, a term which was later extended by others to include the Penobscot; the Abenaki of the Kennebec were the Canibas of early military reports, and the Armouchiquois, tillers of the soil and traditional enemies of the Micmac, seem to have included several of the New England Algonkin tribes.
The Micmacs were linked linguistically and culturally to the Malecite, Passamaquoddy, Penobscot and Abenaki, all Algonkian-speaking peoples of the Eastern Woodland cultural complex, Their language shares certain traits with Cree, the most wide 1. However, its definite genealogical position has not yet been worked out. Their nomadic habits make it difficult if 2 not impossible to fix their boundaries with any precision.
Their land, a region of forests, rivers, lakes and coasts, included Cape Breton, which after the Treaty of Utrecht in , the French renamed lie Royale. The total population of the Micmac before the arrival of the Europeans has been variously estimated. Father Pierre Biard, in , set the figure at less than 2, and a few 3 years later in revised it to between 3, and 3, In a colonel stationed on the isthmus of Chignecto gave 4 the number of Micmac as "near 3, souls". This suggests a stable population, although early accounts indicate that the population dropped after European 1.
I have this information from Dr. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections, 7 series, Boston, The Canadian Indian Affairs report for gives the figure of 3, for that year, exclusive of the Micmac of Newfoundland Swanton, Indian Tribes, In , Chief Membertou told Biard that in his youth he had seen Indians as thickly planted there as the hairs upon his head. It is maintained that they have thus diminished since the French have begun to frequent their country; for, since then they do nothing all summer but eat; and the result is that, adoptinp an entirely different custom and thus breeding new diseases, they pay for their indulgence during the autumn and winter by pleurisy, quinsy and dysentery, which kills them off.
The situation in Acadia does not appear to have differed substantially from that obtaining in other parts of the vast extent of New France. An anonymous letter written in at Quebec observed that it was hardly worthwhile learning about Indian nations who "autrefois asses nombreuses sont aujourd'huy presque reduits a rien," so that although the entire French colony did not equal a good-sized French town, "il y a cependant deux frangois contre un Sauvage dans l'etendue de lieues de pays.
During the Louisbourg period, an epidemic occurred in , reaching such proportions that the Indians refused to come in for their gifts, without which they were reduced to the 1. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, I: To make matters worse, it coincided with a serious famine at Louisbourg the fortress town experienced three very bad famines, in , and There were other lesser outbreaks, particularly after the arrival of "les troupes de terre" in the mid s. However, missionary Antoine Gaulin placed alcohol ahead of disease as the principle 2 cause of the Micmac's declining population.
Even so, the Micmac appear to have held their own better than did neighbouring tribes. The various people who have come to be grouped together under the term "Abenaki" were referred to in "The Description of the Country of Mawooshen" as totalling 14, in in the land of Bashabes, the 3 ranking Abenaki chief. The Abenaki, more warlike than the Micmac and directly involved on the side of the French in the New England border warfare of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, were later reduced to a shadow of their former power.
Monuments Historiques, Carton , piece 4: I am indebted to Dr. Day for this reference. A report listed the Abenaki at nearly Swanton, Indian Tribes, The Penobscot, one of the Abenaki group, could be added to this figure. According to the U. Often considered to refer to the Malecite, it almost certainly included others. In any event, Biard estimated the total population from Newfoundland to Chouacoe't Saco, Maine at 10, Interestingly enough, an anonymous memorandum of placed the number of converted Indians in all Acadia at 10, The Iroquois of the Five Nations, who were greatly feared by the Micmac, have been estimated at 16, in , during their period of greatest prosperity, shortly after intercourse with Europeans.
Along the Atlantic seaboard, the population decline was so general that in some cases tribes became extinct, as, with the Timucuans of Florida and later the Beothuks of Newfoundland; or nearly extinct,. Canadian Malecite were listed at a little over in ; in , those south of the International Boundary at Swanton, Indian Tribes, Day recommended this estimate as being based on a thorough survey of available data. Following , the Iroquois declined until after the War of American Independence, when they slowly began an upswing until today they number slightly more than did at their peak.
According to Grandfontaine's census of Acadia's first -- there were nearly French in what is now Nova Scotia, a figure which Clark revised upward to nearer By mideighteenth century, before the deportation, it may have reached between 10, and 15, although reliable figures are not available. Originally, they depended primarily on the resources of sea, lakes and rivers and secondarily on those of the forests, a pattern which was reversed very early by the fur trade. The Micmac were too far north to practise agriculture with a stone-age technology, although some neighbouring tribes, such as the Abenaki to the south and west, were semi-agricultural.
The average amount of territory needed to support two hunters and their families in the deer and moose country of Acadia has been estimated at square miles. The Micmac in their distinctive sea-going canoes 1.
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See also Appendix IV 3. Hoffman, Cabot to Cartier, Toronto, , Maillard mentioned whalc meat and seal oil at a Micmac feast in his "Lettre sur les missions de I'Acadie et particuliererement sur les missions Micmaqucs" in Les Soirees Canadiennes, Quebec, , Seal oil was basic in the early Micmac diet. It took them 12 days to travel from Port Royal to Quebec by means of rivers and portages "carrying their little bark canoes", making long voyages which the French "could not do in the present state of the country".
By the Indians of the Gaspe were using such shallops, which they handled with great skill, for their war parties across the Gulf of St. Lawrence and over to Newfoundland. European fishing fleets off lie Royale and even those off Newfoundland were later to fear Micmac skill and daring at sea. At one point Indian depradations would seriously 1. Jean in would cause 80 others to return to Canceau.
The physical beauty of the Micmac drew as favorable comment as their seamanship. In the early seventeenth century they were described by Marc Lescarbot: These, people have generally less hair than we; for on the body they have none at all As for the eyes of our savages, they have neither blue nor green, but black for the most part, like their hair Concerning the other parts of the body they have them very perfect, as likewise the natural sense.
More slender and tending to be taller than Europeans of the period, they had great physical endurance, 2 tenacious memories, impressive emotional control hence the European stereotype of the "haughty Indian" , and shared the general Indian characteristic of being able to go days without food eight-day fasts were not extraordinary. They never contradicted 1.
Lahontan observed that while their endurance was greater, they did not have the strength of most French "in raising Weights with their Arms, or carrying of Burdens on their Backs. Using humour as a defence, they thoroughly approved of anything that provoked laughter. That Hebrew scholar turned missionary, Biard, wrote of the Micmacs, "they are droll fellows and have a word and a nickname very readily at command, if they think they have an occasion to look down on us".
They seem to have been on hostile terms with all of their neighbours at one time or another. They were so sensitiveto affronts that they sometimes gave themselves up to despair, even to the point of making attempts on their own lives. With such a deep resentment of injuries it is not surprising that they considered vengeance such a point of honour. Thwaites, Jesuit delations, III: Bock, The Micmac Indians of Pestigouche: Ganong, New Relation, 24 7.
They tortured prisoners of war, but burning them at the stake seems to have been a later development. War cannibalism was not unknown. We have already noted their intense attachment to personal liberty, which effectively limited group action in both peace and war, and caused Europeans to regard them as fickle.
Ganong, New Relation, n. For a general discussion of the characteristics of Northeastern Indians,. They considered themselves superior to the French, just as the French for their part never doubted their own superiority. Many years later another Jesuit wrote, "these savages were indeed given to understand that the French did not resemble them, and were not so base as they. Even points that could not have been considered important drew 1.
For instance, the French frequently commented upon the fact that the Micmac, in common with other nomadic northern hunters, did not eat bread, Lescarbot could think of no other reason for this than laziness, as he believed it was easier to live on flesh or fish than on bread. The Indians would labour long and hard at hunting, fishing and seafaring, which they loved, but not at grinding corn, which they considered a bore. Later, as Indians learned to eat bread, a few Frenchmen learned to go without. Recollect missionary Fr re Michel Brfllai was reported not to have eaten bread for six years, and Canadian-born missionary Gaulin also lived for 1.
Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, V: Indian etiquette for eating, often unfavorably remarked upon, drew from Rosier the comment that they "fed not like men of rude education, neither would they eat or drinke more than seemed to content nature. The parched kernels were also eaten, particularly when travelling. Interestingly enough, maize was never as generally adopted by the French as it was by the English colonists. Neither were the French particularly enthusiastic about Indian uses of medicinal plants, to judge by a comment of Philippe Pastour de Costebelle, first governor of lie Royale, when asking for doctors and pharmacists for the colony, "sans quoi les simples plantes medicinales employees en nature dont les sauvages se servent deviendront le plus salutaires remedes des languissants".
Louis-Armand de Lorn d'arce dc Lahontan,, however, observed that there was no wound or dislocation the Indians could not cure with their simples and plants. He attributed the fact that Indians never got gangrene to their 1. Of Plymouth Plantation, New York, , 7 9. By scientific curiosity was beginning to overcome cultural aversion, and the King was encouraging research "sur tout ce qui se poura trouver de curieux" at lie Royale, "meme sur la botanie en differentes plantes qui ont des vertus singulieres dont les sauvages se servent, tant En plantes, 2 ou simples, terrestres que des plantes marines".
But the gulf in cultural values between Frenchman and Micmac was wide, as indicated by Maillard, II suffit chez eux d'etre bon chasseur, et de bien payer ses dettes, pour meriter de porter le nom de virtuosus; ce nom chez les Allemands signifie beaucoup. Quelque vicieux que soit un sauvage marichite ou mimaque, quelque crime qu'il ait commis plutot grand que petit; qu'il soit le plus mauvais priant de tous, s'il est bon chasseur et bon payeur, il obtient malgre tout ce qui le peut ternir d'ailleurs, la qualite de virtuosus; qu'il persevere, si vous voulez le supposer, de mener jusqu'a sa mort la vie la plus dereglee et la plus derangee dont on puisse entendre parler, tant qu'il sera bon chasseur et bon payeur, il demeurera toujours en possession de l'attribut et de la qualite de virtuosus, rendu en leur langue par Tochechk8g.
He said that Indians "do all they can to be renowned and to 1.
Thwaites, New Voyages, II: Meskir Kameramon, 'Great-heart', among them is the crowning virtue". It was as important to appear generous in personal life as it was in diplomacy. Before , the Eastern Woodlands had been marked by cultural conflict and change, by kaleidoscopic complexity rather than by uniformity, although certain characteristics prevailed throughout the area. At the very heart of the cultural differences was the question of language, for languages express cultures.
Of the 1, to 2, distinct and mutually unintelligible languages believed to have existed in the Americas at the time 1. Canada's 10 major linguistic groups counted about 55 separate languages, some of which differed as much as Frencli from Japanese. Ml were fully formed and complex in their structures. The French, in their efforts to learn Micmac as well as other Indian languages, found themselves coping with sounds they had never heard before and had difficulty in articulating the Micmac for their part struggled with f, 1, r , with syntaxes that bore no resemblances to European counterparts, and with the fact that Indian languages, while precise instruments for expressing the necessities of their own cultures, were not at all fitted to express those of the French or of Europeans generally, any more than French served in a Micmac context.
Translation with any degree of accuracy was easiest on the practical, materialistic level; on the religious or mythological 2 levels it was impossible. Edward Sapir said that languape is a guide to "social 3 reality" and that no two languages represent the same reality. See also Grant, Lescarbot, Harold E. Driver, Indians of North America Chicago, , According to Sapir, "It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of lanpuape and that languape is mcrclv an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection.
The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a larpe extent unconsciously built UP on the languape habits of the group The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same world with different labels attached. For such concepts as wisdom, fidelity, justice, mercy, gratitude, piety, they - improvised such terms as "happy", "tender love", "good heart"; "prayer" was used for "religion".
In spite of these difficulties, Le Clercq found much to commend in the Micmac language: The Gaspesion language is very beautiful and very rich in its expressions. For it is not so sterile as the European languages, which have recourse to a frequent repetition of the same terms in order to express several different things.
Each word of Gaspesian has its particular and specific significance; this shows remarkably well in their speeches, which are always very elegant. He said that it had two distinct styles, "one noble, or elevated, for grave and important subjects, the other ignoble, or trivial, for familiar or vulgar ones". He added that all the conjugations 3 were regular and distinct. Lc Clercq, seeing Micmac children using mnemonic strokes on birch bark to help remember prayers, invented a series of characters or hieroglyphics, as Maillard was later to call his adaptation , each one standing for a word.
At his death, their number had grown to about 5, What Maillard did do was to compile the first Micmac grammar and dictionary, which took years of labor. Earlier, Gaulin and his assistant and successor, Abbe Michel Courtin, had translated prayers and the catechism into Micmac.
Biard also, in , wrote of composing a catechism in the Indian language. He also composed "une musique sauvage, et a fait de fort beaux ouvrages sur ces objets Problems deepened as knowledge grew; missionaries learned, for instance, that language and culture did not necessarily coincide. Iroquoian languages were confined to 1. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations, IV: But the Micmacs, wliose culture was also that of the Eastern Woodlands, shared their language with the buffalo-hunting Blackfoot, wliose culture was that of the Plains, thousands of miles away.
On the other hand, the Micmacs and the Malecite, who lived side by side and shared the same culture and had close blood ties as well, could understand each other only with difficulty. According to a Micmac legend, the Malecite had once been Micmacs, but after a fight following a feast on Prince Edward Island, they had been pushed off the island and had changed their speech so that they could not be understood. Malecite means "corrupted speech" or "broken talk". French attitudes toward him also became more "Le bon sauvage" of Montaigne appeared in on-the-scene impressions: Aprivoise, oui; police, non; ils sont asses bonnes gens et l'on commerce fort aisement avec Eux, mais ils ne quittent point leurs manieres; ils sont dans la pure nature, et je vous diray franchement que je ne sgaurois ni empecher de les aprouver en bien des choses, ils ne connoissent point les commodites de la vie, mais ils ne soufrent point de cette privation parcequ'ils sont accoutumes a une vie qui ne seduire que quand on en goute une plus doux.
French efforts to "humanize" the Indians -- in other words, to make them into Frenchmen -- had very early stumbled over the problem of liquor, which became a focal point for the tangled area of cultural interrelations. Nothing in the experience of the French had prepared them for the 1.
Their cultural and psychological orientation did not equip them to handle this new sensation. The Micmac, after first rejecting intoxicants as poisons, soon became too fond of them. They drank to reach oblivion, to gain spirit possession. But instead of finding new spiritual experiences, they were led to devastation and death. Perhaps worst of all was the degradation and moral disintegration that inevitably followed. Efforts by the missionaries to forbid alcohol to their flocks were no more availing than efforts of civil authorities to ban its sale to the Indians.
Because its attendant evils were so obvious, it was only too tempting to lay all the problems of cultural contact at alcohol's door. The Indians themselves realized that alcohol was only part of a complicated situation. An old Indian put it this way, talking to Claude-Scbastien de Villieu, an officer serving in Acadia, D'abord que j'ai appris que tu faisais une cabane proche de mon village, j'ai commence a trembler de peur et j'ai apprehende que les Frangais qui m'ont autrefois donnc le prierc ne soicnt cause que je cesse de prior; car je vois mes freres qui sont, par exemple, du cote de la rividrc Saint-Jean, ne 1.
For a penetrating look at the question, see Andre Vachon, "L'eau-de-vie dans la socicte indiennc", Canadian Historical Association Report ,. De meme leurs parents qui sont a Kencbeki, depuis qu'ils trafiquent avec les Anglais, sont devenus betes et nc prient plus, parcequ'ils sont tous les jours ivres It considered reports that the Indians were "naturellement z portees a la Boisson et autres vices qui en sont les suites," 1. Casgrain, Les Sulniciens et les pretres des missions etrangeres en Acadie Quebec, , , citing a letter written bv Gaulin at Minas, 24 October Precise source not indicated.
Memoire sur les missions des sauvages Mikmak et de I'Acadie, sans date, sans signature. Information for it must have been provided by the missionaries, at that time Maillard and Le Loutre. Saint-Ovide was following well established practice when he decided to send away useless persons from lie Royale "qui a l'exemple des sauvages ne Restent aux nous que pour y trouver une oisive Subsistence. Maillard saw that it was not so much a question of right and wrong as of a different conditioning: II faut que vous sachiez qu'ils sont hommes comme nous; qu'intrinsequcment 1.
Be that as it may, the Indians had definitely lost the panache of "le bon sauvage" in the eyes of the French after two centuries of contact: Les sauvages naturels de l'isle sont de la nation des Mickmacs, l'on n'y compte guere plus de Chefs de famille, ils sont laids et vilains, habitent les bois, n'ont point de demeure fixe, ils en changent suivant les saisons des differentes chasses By the time another century had passed, at least one observer was prepared to make concessions as to their utility when he wrote that "in the wigwam there is a place for everything and everything has its place.
Every post, every bar, every fastening, every tier of bark, and every appendangc, whether for ornament or for use, in this curious structure, has a name, and every section of the limited space has its appropriate designation and use. Perhaps it would be impossible to plan a hut of equal dimensions in which the comfort and convenience of inmates could be so effectively secured. Officers who were successful Indian leaders made skilful use of this characteristic. Paul de Marin de la M algue, who led the force of Canadians and Indians that was too late to relieve Louisbourg in and whose son, Joseph, stayed to harass the British in Nova Scotia until , and Charle's Deschamps de Boishebert et de Raffetot, who had a similar mission in , all knew how to lead by a subtle blend of persuasion and firmness.
Pichon said that used properly, religion was easily the most efficient of such instruments. The Indians ont besoin d'un culte qui remplisse la duree des momens qu'ils ne donnent pas a leurs besoins. Ils en avoient deja trouve l'emploi de ces momens avant que nous les connussions, et en changeant le genre de leurs occupations a cet gard, nous ne devons pas pretendre changer entierement les gouts qui leurs avoient fait choisir.
In order to carry out their religious functions, missionaries also had to operate in commercial, political and military capacities, as it was impossible to separate these roles in undifferentiated Indian societies. Nowhere was this more evident than in Acadia. For the approximately missionaries who worked among the Indians of Acadia during the French regime, the problem was one of political necessity versus religious idealism - an exercise in syncretism they were variously 1.
The year he died he was 1. The governor at Louisbourg also had his problems in drawing the line. Antoine Gaulin , born on Isle d'orlcans-, Quebec, was sent to Acadia in by the Seminary of Quebec and served until In he was named vicar-general of Acadia. He was a major figure in persuading the Indians to help the French in their efforts to retake Acadia in In spite of his long years of service during which he personally indebted himself AC CUB 3: As for the English, his "intolerable insolence" led them to consider taking steps for Gaulin's removal.
Alarmed, Gaulin petitioned to remain at his mission, which was granted "on his begging pardon, taking the oath of fidelity, promising not to meddle with government affairs, but to confine himself to his religious functions, and giving other priests and ten or twelve deputies as security for his behavior. Major Armstrong referred to him as "that old, mischievous incendiary Gaulin" and allowed him to stay even though he could not furnish the required security. His activities leading both Indians and Acadians against the English earned for him the hatred of the latter and the high esteem of the French court.
Edward Cornwallis, founder of Halifax and Governor of Nova Scotia, reflected the official English view when he wrote to the Bishop of Quebec that he not only wanted the Acadians and the Indians to have priests, but was pleased to do whatever he could to obtain them. Still, he wondered, 1. However, France paid for Maillard's subsistence whjle he was in Halifax.
Abbe Pierre de la Rue de I'Isle Dieu, vicar general for the French colonies in Paris, received 1ivres a year for this purpose for the period from January until September , shortly after Maillard's death. AC F1A, Article Jean-Louis Le Loutre , of the Seminaire du Saint-Esprit in Paris, started his missionary career as an assistant to Maillard in In he was favorably received by Armstrong; in he abandoned his missions to the Acadians to work exclusively with the Indians at Shubenacadie.
During the English occupation of Louisbourg, , the English issued an order for his arrest because of his activities inciting the Indians against the English while making it look as though the Indians were acting on their own. In the authorities in Halifax put a price upon his head. He was captured twice by the English: Si vous lui avez donne cette mission, je suis certain que vous ne luy aves pas ordonne de mener les Sauvages a leur propre Ruine, et Contre les allies de son Roy. One of the two last missionaries of Acadia to come from France Le Loutre followed him within two years , Maillard was so highly regarded by his flock that he became enshrined in their legends.
Anne's Day, July Gaulin was also much loved by the Indians. For close to 20 years the only missionary to the Micmacs of peninsular Acadia, 1. See also, "Mcssire Pierre. Rageot was with him at least until En verite il faut avoir un zelle bien ardent afin de passer sa vie de la sorte avec de tels peuples; les anciens apostre n'en ont jamais menc une si affreuse et si austere; ces deux misionnaires [the other being Fr rc Michel Brulai] meritent assurement de trouver place dans la legcnde des Saints.
His wandering life, his rough-hewn rather tactless manner caused officials to eye him askance. Flechc, whose baptisms in with little preparation caused official concern. Thwaites, Jesuit Relations I: Chancels de Lagrange, "Voyage fait a l'isle Rovale",. Jean, tantot a Louisbourg, tantot chez vous, actuellement il est a Quebec. J'attends une demeure fixe pour lui ecrire. Chargez vous de lui faire dire de mes nouvelles aussitot que vous le pourres.
See- also AC B Courtin sent to help him; 2 Only three years later was Michel finding missionaries suitable for work among the Indians was a perennial problem for New France. Several years after he had retired in to Quebec, Gaulin received a tribute in an official report when he was listed with Courtin as the missionary who had contributed the most to the Micmacs. The devotion of these missionaries to their flocks is too evident to need elaboration. In appraising the spiritual aspects of their work they could be realistic.
The Indians, Gaulin wrote, "sont assez bien disnosez pour recevoir les impressions qu'on veut bien leur donner mais ils ont besoin d'estre ayder". Maillard put it more strongly: He added that missionary work among the Indians was a constant struggle with "1'inconstance, la legeretc et la paresse".
So, while the missionaries did not doubt the ultimate value of their work, neither were they under any illusions as to how deeply Christianity had taken hold of their charges. On the other side of the picture, the Acadian Indians, who had been declared converted by the end of the seventeenth century well before the establishment of Louisbourg, gave consistent evidence of being devoted to their missionaries and to their church.
Neither is there any reason to doubt the genuineness of their sentiments when they claimed they had accepted the French king because he had taught them the Catholic religion. The effectiveness of their conversion can perhaps best be judged by the fact that to this day they are still Catholics. The King of France considered himself "bon pere de famille" and repeatedly urged his representatives in New France to act accordingly. But the "bon pere" in seventeenth and eighteenth century terms had the right to control the destinies of his children as he saw fit or as he was capable of doing; and so officialdom saw nothing anonalous in destroying the Indian's faith in their own beliefs in order to replace them with those of Christianity.
Nor was it considered wrong to bring pressure on the Indians to establish themselves in permanent villages, although the Micmac, i-ialecite and other Algonkin tribes in New France were nomadic hunters and not farmers, with all the cultural apparatus implicit in that distinction; or to fan the embers of hostility toward the English, which throughout the colonial period never ceased to smoulder. Cette partie est d'une extreme consequence. Tf the English at first, instead of seeking to exterminate or oppress them by dint of power, the sense of which drove them for refuge into our party, had behaved with more tenderness to them, and conciliated their affection by humoring them properly, and distributing a few presents, they might easily have made useful and valuable subjects of them.
The English record is not quite as bad as this would indicate; after all, they did win the active allegiance of the Iroquois, the most advanced of the Eastern Woodland peoples, and of those formidable warriors of the Southeast, the Chickasaw, And while the English were less inclined to compromise than the French, the Indians in the long run had little to choose between the two powers.
The French were just as inclined to self-interest as the English; and so, it must be admitted, were the Indians. Accumulation of goods had little, if any place, in Eastern Woodlands cultures. To the Micmac, goods were to be used, either to provide for the immediate needs of himself, his family or his group, or they were intended for giving away to prove his great heart and so establish his position as a leader.
Neither he nor his fellow Micmac worried about the This unconcern for material wealth contrasts rather oddly with the Indians' already well-established dependence on trade goods and consequent lack of self-sufficiency. One more illustration of their cultural distance from Europeans, it also was one of the many reasons why the French never really learned to like the Indians. It was not, however, necessary to like the Indians in order to consider them essential to the establishment of Louisbourg.
By that time, the Micmac had been in contact with Europeans for two centuries, a contact which had been growing in intensity during the past one hundred years. Agricultural people such as the Iroquois and the Huron, and scmi-agricultural people such as the A. Some Indian cultures placed great emphasis on accumulation of goods; the best-known Canadian example of this is that of the Northwest Coast tribes preparing for their potlatches.
But these goods were for giving away in order to obtain prestige. Technologies, however, change faster than cultures. The French King was their "father" because he had taught them their new religion. They acknowledged no more obedience to him than they accorded to their own chieftains. In the face of the overpowering challenges of European culture, these once self-assertive, far-ranging people wished only to be left alone, to live their own lives in their own way.
But the clash of French and English in the New World dictated otherwise, and so the Micmac became instruments of empire. The French achieved this by developing men with the particular qualities needed to be leaders of Indians, a group which included some of the missionaries. Under the guidances of such men, and with the direction and assistance of Louisbourg, Acadian Indians became a highly effective guerrilla force against the English. While it took some time to select the exact place, its general location was never in doubt -- Cape Breton, which had long since caught the attention of French colonizers.
Its proximity to the North Atlantic fisheries, its coal mines and forests may have had their attractions, but it is widely accepted that its strategic location near the entrance to Carada was the deciding factor. This location also made it a natural entrepot for the triangular Canada-West Indies-France trade route. Nicolas Denys , fur trader and land-owner, had brought settlers to the island during the latter half of the seventeenth century and they had successfully grown wheat there, although that initial colony had disappeared.
This was remembered by the Indians, who told Pierre Denys. The leaders of its second colonization 1. The role of the fortress was to be many-facetted, one of the most important of which would be to direct the Indians in their resistance against the English. Louis-Joseph de Brouillan de Saint-Ovide, the King's lieutenant at Plaisance in Newfoundland and later to be the colony's second governor, took formal possession on September 2, , declaring, "a tous qu'il appartiendra n'avoir trouve sur ladite isle qu'un habitant frangois et 25 a 30 families sauvages.
Je le regarde aussy comme le rempart du Canada qui tomberoit bientost ausy bien que les pesches Si les Anglois estoient possesseurs de Louisbourg, J'espere qu'il n'y parviendront jamais par l'attention que je donne de faire fortiffier cette place de maniere ou'on ne puisse l'attaquer impunement.
On pourroit faire dans les Commencemens quelques pelleteries comme Martres, Renards, Loutres, et Ours a cause des animaux qui sont dans cette Isle. Mais on ne doit pas Compter cela pour un commerce parcqu'ils seront bientot detruits de meme que les orignaux et caribous qui y sont. Mais ils serviront beaucoup dans les Commencemens de meme que le Gibier qui y est fort abondant pour fournir un peu de viande fraiche a ceux qui s'etabliront. Raudot foresaw, Indians traded furs and game for supplies, but this did not reach the level of organized commerce.
Much more important were the maritime resources off Raudot hoped that the Indians would sell their seal and fish oil, which "a present ils n'en trouvent presque point le debit", and that they would be employed in fishing for cod. From the moment lie Royale was conceived, Indians played a part in plans for the establishment. If left where they were under English domination, ils deviendront par la suitte anglois et pourroient porter par la suite la guerre au Cap Breton, au lieu que les attirans a cette Isle ce sera un remfort qu'on luy produira d'un peuple qui connoist parfaitement touttes les terres de lacadie.
This intimate knowledge of Acadia could be used to isolate He Royale if the Indians should declare themselves against the French. Lawrence Valley because they were accustomed to live by the sea. But he could see no reason why they could not be attracted to He Royale. Elle est persuade qu'ils se determineront volontiers Tant par Raport a la Religion Catholique qu'ils professent 1.
II faut que les frangois et les Sauvages de lacadie Voyent le Soleil et les Etoiles de dessus la mesme terre que la hache des Uns et des autres Se repose et Soit levee Ensemble et que leurs os soient dans le mesme lieu. Je Suis persuade que personne n'est plus Capable que Vous de determiner ces Sauvages de se rendre a l'isle. It is using the oratorical style of Indian negotiators to persuade Indians to fall in with French plans. Le marquis de Vaudreuii qui est absolument necessaire de determiner les frangois et les Sauvages de lacadie a aller habiter a" l'isle du Cap Breton et que pour cela il doit p endre toutes les mesures possibles.
Je luy Envoye deux lettres l'une pour le Sr. Gaulin et l'autre pour le Pere Justinien [Durand] par ou je leur marque qu'il faut qu'il mettent tout en Usage pour y faire aller ces peuples. Je Joints Icy des duplicata de ces deux lettres que Je Vous prie de leur faire passer par Voyes Seures Car il est de Consequence quel les ne tombent pas en d'autres mains que les leurs.
It was easier to form grand designs in France than it was to realize them in Acadia. Gaulin reacted to his orders 1. Either Gaulin overestimated his influence with the Indians or he was intent on placating the authorities. He well knew that his flock would not take kindly to being confined to a permanent village on an island or anywhere else. He had previously put himself heavily into debt buying tools and equipment for a similar project under Subercase.
The project had failed, and he had not been reimbursed. It would be ten years before the Indian War of would provide the motivation to enable Gaulin to establish his mission on Bras d'or Lake. Nor was Gaulin alone in realizing the obstacles to the French policy. Felix Pain , Recollect missionary who worked in Acadia from about to , did not mince words when he wrote about the Micmac, 1. Quand a 1'egard de leur attachement au Roy et aux Frangois qui l'est inviolable, et que si la Reine d'angleterre avoient Les pros de l'accadie par la cession que Sa Majeste Luy en avoit faitte, que pour eux ils avoient Les Bois dont jamais personne ne seroit capable de les debusquer, et qu'ainsi ils vous promettent neantmoins d'estre toujours fiddle aux frangois et leurs donner la preference dans la traitte des pelletri.
An earlier attempt to lure the Abenaki to Canada by offering them the protection of a fort and lands prepared for their use had failed. The Micmac had their own reasons for being reluctant: Finally they agreed to establish a community on a river near Canceau, to which Pontchartrain objected that it was in English territory, a point which was irrelevant to the Micmac, as they regarded it as their territory. The Indians' contention that 1. This was still English territory, but it was unsettled, close to He Royale and also close to that troublesome frontier post, Canceau.
The commissaire-ordonnateur suspected the missionary of being so fond of the wandering life with the Indians that he was deliberately hunting for pretexts to prevent tiieir permanent settlement. He claimed that he had done everything possible 1. Pierre n'a peu vcnir icy.
On les a trouvc morts toutes enticres. If things did not improve he would have to abandon his mission. Alarmed, the Council of the Marine decided that as his work was necessary for lie Royale, and that as he was esteemed by the Indians and had always worked well with them, his salary should be increased to livres a year and that part of his debts should be paid. The half-hearted quality of that last concession was probably due to the influence of Soubras, who had earlier expressed serious reservations as to Gaulin's financial capacity.
See also AC B Maurepas expressed his pleasure by allotting livres for the construction of a church and presbytery, urging Gaulin to attract as many Indians as he could to the new mission. The church and presbytery were not 1. The latter is the Mirligueche indicated by Clark, in the map in Acadia, Clark, who did not know of the lie Royale site, said it was common in New France to give the same name to two or more locations.
The two Mirligueches are referred to on different occasions in official correspondence -- the one deep in Nova Scotia, the other on He Royale. The latter was also referred to as village du Cap Breton or village de l'lle Royale, probably to distinguish between the two. Seventeenth and eighteenth century orthography being what it is, Mirligueche appears as Maligouesche, Marigaoiches, Malligouche, Martigonerech, Mirliguesch, Mirligouesch, Mariguanache, to list only some variations. Both sites were on water, and the name apparently re t'ers to the way the water looks before a storm.
There is some confusion about the Indian establishment on He Royale. Johnson says that in , or the year afterwards, Gaulin gathered the Indians around him at Malagawatch, and that this place remained the headquarters of the missionary and his successors until The mission near La Ilcve is much older, and could be the same as the Mirligueche which is known today as Lunenburg.