The two-state solution was most recently agreed upon in principle by the Government of Israel and the Palestinian Authority at the November Annapolis Conference and remains the conceptual basis for negotiations proposed by the administration of U. Interest in a one-state solution is growing, however, as the two-state approach fails to accomplish a final agreement. The "one-state solution" refers to a resolution of the Israeli—Palestinian conflict through the creation of a unitary, federal or confederate Israeli-Palestinian state, which would encompass all of the present territory of Israel , the West Bank including East Jerusalem, and possibly the Gaza Strip and Golan Heights.
Depending on various points of view, a one-state solution to the Israeli—Palestinian conflict is presented as a situation in which Israel would ostensibly lose its character as a Jewish state and the Palestinians would fail to achieve their national independence within a two-state solution  or, alternatively, as the best, most just, and only way to resolve the Israeli—Palestinian conflict. Although the terms "One-State Solution" and "bi-national solution" are often used synonymously, they do not necessarily mean the same thing. In debates about a one-state solution in Israel-Palestine, bi-nationalism refers to a political system in which the two groups, Jews and Palestinians, would retain their legal and political character as separate nations or nationalities, perhaps similar to the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Czechoslovakia.
In most bi-national arguments for a one-state solution, such an arrangement is deemed necessary both to ensure the protection of minorities whichever group that is and to reassure both groups that their collective interests would be protected. Counter-arguments are that bi-nationalism would entrench the two identities politically in ways that would foster their continuing rivalry and social divides; these arguments favour a unitary democratic state, or one-person-one-vote arrangement. Support for a one-state solution is increasing as Palestinians, frustrated by lack of progress in negotiations aiming to establish the two-state solution, increasingly see the one-state solution as an alternative way forward.
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Vice President Biden said that because of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu 's policy of steady expansion of settlements, an eventual "one-state reality" with Israeli Jews no longer in the majority was the likely outcome. The area between the Mediterranean Sea and the Jordan River was controlled by various national groups throughout history. These letters, were later known as the Hussein—McMahon Correspondence. McMahon promised Hussein and his Arab followers the territory of the Ottoman Empire in exchange for assistance in driving out the Ottoman Turks.
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Hussein interpreted these letters as promising the region of Palestine to the Arabs. McMahon and the Churchill White Paper maintained that Palestine had been excluded from the territorial promises,  but minutes of a Cabinet Eastern Committee meeting held on 5 December confirmed that Palestine had been part of the area that had been pledged to Hussein in Under this agreement, the region of Palestine would be controlled by Britain.get link
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In , the League of Nations granted Britain a mandate for Palestine. Like all League of Nations Mandates , this mandate derived from article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant , which called for the self-determination of former Ottoman Empire colonies after a transitory period administered by a world power. Violence erupted again the following year during the Jaffa Riots. In response to these riots, Britain established the Haycraft Commission of Inquiry. The British Mandatory authorities put forward proposals for setting up an elected legislative council in Palestine.
In the issue was raised at a conference held by Ahdut Ha'avodah at Ein Harod. Shlomo Kaplansky , a veteran leader of Poalei Zion , argued that a Parliament , even with an Arab majority, was the way forward. David Ben-Gurion , the emerging leader of the Yishuv , succeeded in getting Kaplansky's ideas rejected. After the violence, the British led another commission of inquiry under Sir Walter Shaw.
The report of the Shaw Commission , known as the Shaw Report or Command Paper No , attributed the violence to "the twofold fear of the Arabs that, by Jewish immigration and land purchase, they might be deprived of their livelihood and, in time, pass under the political domination of the Jews". Violence erupted again during the —39 Arab revolt in Palestine. The British established the Peel Commission of in order to put an end to the violence.
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The Peel Commission concluded that only partition could put an end to the violence, and proposed the Peel Partition Plan. While the Jewish community accepted the concept of partition, not all members endorsed the implementation proposed by the Peel Commission. The Arab community entirely rejected the Peel Partition Plan, which included population transfers, primarily of Arabs.
The partition plan was abandoned, and in Britain issued its White Paper of clarifying its "unequivocal" position that "it is not part of [Britain's] policy that Palestine should become a Jewish State" and that "The independent State [of Palestine] should be one in which Arabs and Jews share government in such a way as to ensure that the essential interests of each community are safeguarded. The White Paper of sought to accommodate Arab demands regarding Jewish immigration by placing a quota of 10, Jewish immigrants per year over a five-year period from to It also required Arab consent for further Jewish immigration.
The White Paper was seen by the Jewish community as a revocation of the Balfour Declaration of , and due to Jewish persecution in the Holocaust , Jews continued to immigrate illegally in what has become known as Aliyah Bet. In its debates, the UN divided its member States into two subcommittees: The Second Subcommittee, which included all the Arab and Muslim States members, issued a long report arguing that partition was illegal according to the terms of the Mandate and proposing a unitary democratic state that would protect rights of all citizens equally.
The Jewish community accepted the partition plan, and declared independence as the State of Israel in The Arab community rejected the partition plan, and army units from five Arab countries — Lebanon , Syria , Iraq , Transjordan , and Egypt — contributed to a united Arab army that attempted to invade the territory, resulting in the Arab—Israeli War. The war, known to Israelis as the War of Independence and to Palestinians as al-Nakba meaning "the catastrophe" , resulted in Israel's establishment as well as the flight or expulsion of over , Palestinians from the territory that became Israel.
During the following years, a large population of Jews living in Arab nations close to , left or were expelled from their homes in what has become known as the Modern Jewish Exodus and subsequently resettled in the new State of Israel.
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By , in the wake of the Holocaust, Jewish support for partition and a Jewish state had become overwhelming. Nevertheless, some Jewish voices still argued for unification. The International Jewish Labor Bund was against the UN vote on the partition of Palestine and reaffirmed its support for a single binational state that would guarantee equal national rights for Jews and Arabs and would be under the control of superpowers and the UN. The New York Second world conference of the International Jewish Labor Bund condemned the proclamation of the Jewish state, because the decision exposed the Jews in Palestine to danger.
The conference was in favour of a binational state built on the base of national equality and democratic federalism. A one-state, one-nation solution where Arabic-speaking Palestinians would adopt a Hebrew-speaking Israeli identity although not necessarily the Jewish religion was advocated within Israel by the Canaanite movement of the s and s, as well as more recently in the Engagement Movement led by Tsvi Misinai. The fifth national council of the Palestine Liberation Organisation in February passed a resolution confirming that the PLO's objective was "to establish a free and democratic society in Palestine for all Palestinians whether they are Muslims, Christians or Jews".
The PLO was not successful in building support for the binational solution within Israeli society, however, and eventually the PLO came around to support for partition into two states. Since , interest has been renewed in binationalism or a unitary democratic state. In that year the Palestinian activist Edward Said wrote:. The Alternative" in the New York Review of Books , in which he argued that Israel is an "anachronism" in sustaining an ethnic identity for the state and that the two-state solution is fundamentally doomed and unworkable.
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A month later, political scientist Virginia Tilley published "The One-State Solution" in the London Review of Books followed in by a book with the same title , arguing that West Bank settlements had made a two-state solution impossible and that the international community must accept a one-state solution as the de facto reality. Leftist journalists from Israel, such as Haim Hanegbi and Daniel Gavron , have called for the public to "face the facts" and accept the binational solution. On the Palestinian side, similar voices have been raised. Israeli Prime Minister Olmert argued, in a interview with the Israeli daily Ha'aretz , that without a two-state agreement Israel would face "a South African-style struggle for equal voting rights" in which case "Israel [would be] finished".
Antony Lerman has written that a de facto single state already exists, detailing Israel's control over the West Bank and Gaza. John Mearsheimer , co-director of the Programme on International Security Policy at the University of Chicago, says the binational solution has become inevitable.
He has further argued that by allowing Israel's settlements to prevent the formation of a Palestinian state, the United States has helped Israel commit "national suicide" since Palestinians will be the majority group in the binational state. In , in an article in Al-Quds Al-Arabi newspaper, Ahmed Qurei called for Palestinians to reconsider a one-state instead of a two-state solution. He stated that the "one-state solution, despite the endless problems it embraces, is one of the solutions that we should be contemplating through an internal dialogue.
In , professor Ian Lustick wrote in The New York Times that the "fantasy" of a two-state solution prevented people from working on solutions that might really work. Lustick argued that people who assume Israel will persist as a Zionist project should consider how quickly the Soviet, Pahlavi Iranian, apartheid South African, Baathist Iraqi and Yugoslavian states unraveled.
Lustick concludes that while it may not arise without "painful stalemates", a one-state solution may be a way to eventual Palestinian independence. In recent years, some politicians and political commentators representing the right wing of Israeli politics have advocated annexing the West Bank and granting its Palestinian population Israeli citizenship while maintaining Israel's current status as a Jewish state with recognized minorities.
According to Glick, the PCBS survey, used as the basis for later studies, inflated numbers by including over three hundred thousand Palestinians living abroad and by double-counting over two hundred thousand Jerusalem Arabs already included in Israel's population survey. Further, Glick says later PCBS surveys reflect the predictions of the PCBS survey, reporting unrealized birth forecasts, including assumptions of large Palestinian immigration that never occurred.
Based on this study, Glick argued that annexation of the West Bank would only add 1. She argued that a one-state solution with a Jewish majority and a political system rooted in Jewish values was the best way to guarantee the protection of democratic values and the rights of all minorities. Sergio DellaPergola gives a figure of 5,, Arabs living in Israel and the Palestinian territories, while the core Jewish population stands at 6,, Proposals from the Israeli right for a one-state solution tend to avoid advocating the annexation of the Gaza Strip , due to its large and generally hostile Palestinian population and lack of any Israeli settlements.
Support among Israeli Jews , and Jews generally, for a one-state solution is very low. Some Israeli government spokespeople have also proposed that Palestinian-majority areas of Israel, such as the area around Umm el-Fahm , be annexed to the new Palestinian state. As this measure would cut these areas off permanently from the rest of Israel's territory, including the coastal cities and other Palestinian towns and villages, Palestinians view this with alarm.
Many Palestinian citizens of Israel would therefore prefer a one-state solution because this would allow them to sustain their Israeli citizenship. Hamas has at times ruled out a two state solution, and at other times endorsed the possibility of a two-state solution.
An Islamic Jihad leader Khalid al-Batsh stated that "The idea cannot be accepted and we believe that the entire Palestine is Arab and Islamic land and belongs to the Palestinian nation. Some Israeli Jews and Palestinians who oppose a one-state solution have nevertheless come to believe that it may come to pass. It is very serious. This is the moment of truth for us.
They share the same aquifers, the same highway network, the same electricity grid and the same international borders Rather, it affirms that the Holy Land has an equal Christian and Muslim character. For those who believe in equality, this is a good thing. They advocate a secular and democratic state while still maintaining a Jewish presence and culture in the region.
Some Israeli politicians, including former defense minister Moshe Arens ,  current President Reuven Rivlin , and the Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely  and Uri Ariel  have voiced support for a one-state solution, rather than divide the West Bank in a two-state solution.
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In September , Congressman Joe Walsh and 30 co-sponsors introduced a motion in the United States House of Representatives supporting Israel's right to annex the Palestinian territories if the Palestinian National Authority continues to push for a vote at the United Nations.
Robert Wright described this plan as " apartheid " and " ethnic cleansing. Critics argue that it would make Israeli Jews an ethnic minority    in the only Jewish country. The high total fertility rate among Palestinians accompanied by a return of Palestinian refugees , would quickly render Jews a minority, according to Sergio DellaPergola , an Israeli demographer and statistician. Critics have also argued that Jews, like any other nation, have the right to self-determination , and that due to still existing antisemitism , there is a need for a Jewish national home.
Critics argue that a one-state solution is supported by "anti-Israel"  advocates and "pro-terrorist" supporters who seek Israel's destruction, and view this as a way to achieve their goal. The conference also features Dianna Buttu , former legal advisor for the PLO and another Hamas supporter who, as Middle East scholar Richard Cravatts noted recently, 'denied that thousands of Hamas rockets fired from Gaza into Israel actually had warheads on them, unlike Israeli weaponry.
The Reut Institute expands on these concerns of many Israeli Jews and says that a one-state scenario without any institutional safeguards would negate Israel's status as a homeland for the Jewish people. One major argument against the one-state solution is that it would endanger the safety of the Jewish minority, because it would require assimilation with what critics fear would be an extremely hostile Muslim ruling majority. When asked whether he thought a Jewish minority would be treated fairly in a binational state, Said replied that "it worries me a great deal.
The question of what is going to be the fate of the Jews is very difficult for me. I really don't know. Why should anyone believe that Palestinian Muslim Arabs would behave any differently"? Pointing to specific examples of violence by Palestinian Muslims towards Palestinian Christians, Morris writes that "Western liberals like or pretend to view Palestinian Arabs, indeed all Arabs, as Scandinavians, and refuse to recognize that peoples, for good historical, cultural, and social reasons are different and behave differently in similar or identical sets of circumstances.
He also pointed to Hamas ' takeover of Gaza, during which Fatah prisoners were shot in the knees and thrown off buildings, and the regular honor killings of women that permeate Palestinian and Israeli-Arab society, as evidence that Palestinian Muslims have no respect for Western values. He thus claimed that "the mindset and basic values of Israeli Jewish society and Palestinian Muslim society are so different and mutually exclusive as to render a vision of binational statehood tenable only in the most disconnected and unrealistic of minds.
According to Morris, the goal of a "secular democratic Palestine" was invented to appeal to Westerners, and while a few supporters of the one-state solution may honestly believe in such an outcome, the realities of Palestinian society mean that "the phrase objectively serves merely as camouflage for the goal of a Muslim Arab—dominated polity to replace Israel.
Writing on Arutz Sheva , Steven Plaut referred to the one-state solution as the " Rwanda Solution", and wrote that the implementation of a one-state solution in which a Palestinian majority would rule over a Jewish minority would eventually lead to a "new Holocaust ". Some critics  argue that unification cannot happen without damaging or destroying Israel's democracy. The vast majority of Israeli Jews as well as Israeli Druze , some Israeli Bedouin , many Israeli Christian Arabs and even some non-Bedouin Israeli Muslim Arabs fear the consequences of amalgamation with the mostly Muslim Palestinian population in the occupied territories, which they perceive as more religious and conservative.
Israeli Druze and Bedouin serve in the Israel Defense Forces and there are sometimes rifts between these groups and Palestinians. It doesn't matter since all you care about is the percentage, not the combined operation. Casio appears to handle it in a manner closest to the engineering way. TI is closer to the layman algorithm. Or should it be 0. Should that answer appear immediately or should it wait for you to hit the equals sign?
I don't know what the intuitive result should be either. What would that do? I think my best guess has always been that "0. I never even noticed it, as an engineer I always did did the conversion. I also neither know how it works nor how it should work on most calculators. I just pulled out my "scientific" Casio calculator to try it, which gives the following rather strange results. Today I feel slightly less stupid. A few weeks back I was trying to teach a not very mathematical friend how to work out percentages on a calculator. The target blog has absolutely no content.
It points to random unrelated blogs. Every enty has the same structure. The pingback probably provides page rank for the target blog, which itself must be used to give page rank to specific pages…. Step 3 was designed with division in mind as the only operation it was designed for are multiplication and division. Did they do that intentionally? That has to be the most unintuitive thing ever. They should just get rid of the percent key. Either come up with an industry-wide standard, or preferably just get rid of it entirely. This takes me back. About 10 years ago, I helped add a calculation field to a custom Visual Basic application.
The user could enter an arithmetic expression including percentages and the field would display the result. The senior developer implemented this by sending calc. It worked, but I felt it was an ugly kludge. The senior developer and I went on site. He demonstrated that if the exact same calculations were entered into the Windows calculator, they yielded the same result as the application. The Casio behaviour almost seems to be tailored toward students — primarily those in junior high or high school, but possibly university students in non-scientific streams, like business.
The examples they give sound exactly like what I used to find in the pointless repetitive homework assignments. And thinking back, I seem to recall being forced to buy some particular Casio calculator along with the engineering books. Which also kind of makes sense, if you think about it. Who really uses scientific calculators, other than students? Not scientists — they usually use domain-specific software or graphing calculators.
If you had asked me what it did before I read this article, I would have guessed it changed 15 to 1. Windows Calculator in Scientific mode. This is why I use PowerToy Calculator instead. Thank you Mr Chen. Learned a lot for the posting, we are humen but we are different, we can not design a feature even the simplest one to please everybody! My trusty 15 years old HP 27S S for "scientific" actually works in the "calc. Funny thing is, I discovered this just a couple of months ago; earlier I kept doing it the old fashioned way, i. Page 15 of the manual http: If grams are added to a test sample originally weighing grams, what is the percentage increase in weight?
I also have a Casio calculator. You can get sensible results for all four operations well, in so far as dividing by a percentage can mean anything sensible if you treat percentages as a different data type. It works OK if you chain percentages provided you say that multiplying by a percentage preserves the percent flag on the other factor: That makes all the other operations simpler.
You suggest the following:. Anyway, I think the same as John: I fear it would have warped my mind beyond possible recovery. Multiplying by a fraction seems so much easier.