e-book La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition)

Free download. Book file PDF easily for everyone and every device. You can download and read online La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition) file PDF Book only if you are registered here. And also you can download or read online all Book PDF file that related with La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition) book. Happy reading La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition) Bookeveryone. Download file Free Book PDF La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition) at Complete PDF Library. This Book have some digital formats such us :paperbook, ebook, kindle, epub, fb2 and another formats. Here is The CompletePDF Book Library. It's free to register here to get Book file PDF La Traduction oecuménique de la Bible (TOB), à notes essentielles: 1360 (French Edition) Pocket Guide.

In both cases, such cultural transfer was evaluated as dangerous, but from different per- spectives. In the first case, it was the captors who felt that there was a danger in teach- ing Arabic epic poetry to the hostages of rebellious non-Arab lords. These issues are not exclusive to the Muslim world, as they can also be found in Ancient Rome see note 4 and the British Empire. Hostages and the Dangers of Cultural Contact 75 it was the hostage who felt that a sexual proposal from the enemy ruler endangered both his religion and his culture.

The protagonist of the anecdote, Umayya b. For the Arabic text with Spanish translation, see: Umayya also opposed an order from the Umayyad emir to imprison a scholar who had been falsely accused by a provincial governor. Another episode shows him in charge of Cordoba during the absence of the emir, acting against one of the Umayyad princes who was misbehaving and against his preceptor who was not admonishing him In that process, learning Arabic poetry was an important part. We have seen that, among the anecdotes told of Umayya, there is one in which this high official in the Umayyad administration — who belonged to a family with a long record of service to the ruling dynasty — was scorned by an Arab.

We have other evi- dence pointing to the same persistent feeling of superiority on the part of the Arabs Historia Medieval 27 Encyclopaedia of Islam 3. Annales islamologiques 42 , p. In its turn, Arabization had been made possible by their living among Arabs, and this was the result of the settlement patterns of the Arabs, who lived amid the indigenous population. As a loyal Umayyad client and servant, Umayya b.

The anecdotes transmitted about Umayya b. The latter would disappear if the Umayyad emirs and their servants — many of non-Arab origins — did not make exceptions for the Arabs and punished them when they misbehaved, making them aware at the same time that it was in their inter- est not to let the non-Arabs become resentful against them. As regards violence, rebels had to be fought and could not be encouraged in their violent behaviour. Their integra- tion into both the Islamic religion and Arabic culture had to be promoted, but also controlled.

The process of acculturation — unavoidable and desirable as it was — had to take place in a con- trolled way so as to avoid any backfiring. This possibility is to be taken into account. In general 20 E. Encyclopaedia of Islam 2. Hostages and the Dangers of Cultural Contact 79 terms, therefore, integration into Arabo-Islamic culture was a powerful instrument for social and political integration.

Enraged, the caliph called his eunuchs and ordered them to burn her face with a candle. Later on, the executioner found in his leather mat pearls and precious stones, which had obviously fallen from a necklace when her head was cut. There is another episode closely related to these two, but one which is exclusively recorded in Christian sources, which date it to the year or The first Cordoban Caliph, Oxford , p. Pelagius was just thirteen years old, and his death led to his cult and his eventual acknowledgement as a saint.

There are three versions of this story. The first was written in the Iberian Peninsula before the year by someone called Raguel. The second is a life of Pelagius written by the Saxon nun Hrotswitha, probably in the s The text written by Raguel states that the information was obtained from direct wit- nesses. Pelagius was a handsome and chaste boy.

Having heard of his beauty, the Muslim king wanted to see it with his own eyes and the boy was brought before him during a banquet. Pelagius is dressed in royal robes and led into the hall, the attendants whispering that he is fortu- nate to have his beauty carry him so far. The king offers him much to renounce Christ and affirm Mohammed: When the king reaches out to touch Pelagius, the boy strikes the king and asks: He orders Pelagius to be seized with iron tongs and twisted about, until he should either renounce Christ or die.

So the king demands at last that the boy be cut to pieces with swords and thrown into the river Pelagius has volunteered to be a substitute for his imprisoned father. Having heard of his eloquence and beauty, the king orders him to be bathed, swathed in purple, and adorned with a gem-encrusted necklace. Studia Islamica 32 , p. The boy rejects him, retorting that the king ought to save his kisses for his fellow Muslims, with whom he shares the stupidity of idolatry. When the king insists, Pelagius strikes him hard enough to draw blood. After being subjected to tor- ture, the young boy is dismembered.

The recovery of the parts of his body is linked with the beginnings of a cult of Pelagius, especially when his cut head remains intact during the incineration of his corpse A delegation with this aim was sent in The body was recovered in , and later — in — transferred to Oviedo.

His cult expanded and led to the composi- tion of a Mozarabic liturgy for vespers, matins and mass In the case of the Christian approach to the story, the fact that the object of desire is a boy is of primary importance, as it serves to establish a boundary between the boy and the Muslim court where he now lives.

He found it intolerable that the inhabitants of Galicia were resisting his power and attacked them, obtaining a great victory, which led to Pelagius becoming a hostage. Put in a horrible prison where he almost starved, he was visited by the principal courtiers of the palace, who, realizing his eloquence and beauty, felt pity for him.

Rev Stéphane Javelle - Homely - Isaiah 56:1,6-8 - 20th Aug 2017

The second episode is at the same time simple and complex. Rather surprisingly for a historiography that emerged in al-Andalus and in which pro-Umayyad tendencies seem to predominate, it offers an unflattering description of the private life of a power- ful ruler. Unexpectedly — as I have demonstrated — we have at our disposal two con- trasting perspectives on such behaviour. Hrotsvitha, Obras completas, transl. Hrotsvitha, Obras completas as in n. The first episode evokes the adventurous exploits encountered in many books or movies where the captive learns from the inadvertent captors what makes the latter powerful and successful, an insight that may eventually lead the weak to overcome the strong.

In our recent past, are there not many examples of leaders who fought against colonial powers, leaders who emerged precisely from those who had been given access to and were deeply familiar with the culture of their colonial oppressors38? His family, however, had no roots in the Iberian Peninsula, having entered al-Andalus in the service of the Arab conquerors. In Iran, we do not have this phenomenon. A Comparative Approach, dans: Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research 18 , p. Au contraire, on ne note aucune opposition envers les autres composantes de la culture arabe et islamique.

El tiempo de los Reinos de Taifas, Madrid , p. Images et langages, Paris , p. Tout est dit dans le premier vers: Al-Andalus 26 , p. La traduction du texte figure p. Interview with Homi Bhabha, dans: Community, Culture, Difference, London , p. Viator 42 , p. Il est probable que le consul fut, en fin de compte, http: Evidence on the Maghribi Traders, dans: Journal of Economic History 4 12, p. Malerbi se mit en route pour Le Caire et y poursuivit ses affaires. Les ennemis du consul durent craindre le pire une fois que Malerbi eut transmis leur correspondance au consul: Nous ne le saurons jamais Se tu le podesti vendeir a b.

Provedi di vender le chosse te arechordeo per la mia rechordixion della qual non [te] partir. Sie solizito e date a tuti samseri43 e provedi a i fati nostri con hogni solizitudine. Scrivelli pero muodo che le dite manda a pagar avanti che tute chosse non abi boni fini, ho per puocho, ho per assai. Quello resta el mandi a pagar. Pero convinise con arte e molte fiadi saver viver. Jerusalem Studies 25 , p. Richordate non dir niente che fezi far petevi a persona del mondo. Se per ventura el non ge volxe far niente, abudo questa letera, di subito va de llui e domandilo.

El prexio in suxo che avexe fato ser Piero Bernardo fa ti, che me credo sia de bisanti in zoxo. E se ser Pero non volxe far niente e tu non podesti far, di subito avixame per mexo sia spazado per alltri47 e non tegnir zuraidi pur una hora che di subito tu m'el spazato avixo se ser Piero per mi non volxe far niente.

Diebia eser con lui e achater de conpagnia. E per non guastar i fati de ser Pietro non gli oso scriver al dito ser Anzolo niente. Ma chome ho dito, conferixi con lui mamchandote Piro. E conpro di conpagnia per la mia parte sporte 10 in 15 al modo te ho dito. E fezando sollo prima48, non tuor alltro sanser che Momsor49 zudio. E non conferir con alltri, che non guastaxe i fati tuo. Transcultural Relations between Muslim and Christian Rulers in the Eastern Mediterranean in the Fifteenth Century With regard to transcultural transfer the Mamluks represent a particularly revealing example in several respects.

As military slaves of non-Muslim origin brought to Cairo as prisoners of war or slaves from a variety of various regions for training and Islamic education, they exemplified a perfect case of transcultural exchange. They did not completely abandon their native languages and customs; in fact, their wives often also came from their countries of origin.

At the same time, however, after the establishment of Mamluk rule and the conquest of the crusader principalities in the course of the thirteenth century, the Mamluks pursued a policy that was essentially focused internally, on the maintenance of power, rather than on expansion. Thus, according to Stephen Humphreys, the Mamluk sultanate was a model of a fortress state1.

This means that the Mediterranean trade was left entirely to the Christian merchants, especially those from Venice, and that the Syrian ports and coastal towns were stripped of any fortification for fear that a new crusade could establish bases there for further conquest of the coun- try2. A Review Essay, in: Studies and Texts, 39 ; ID. The Naval Policy of the Mamluks, in: Ulama and the Mamluk Sul- tans, in: After the conquest of Acre in , the Mamluks maintained quite good relations, especially with regard to commerce, with Cyprus, which profited from the papal trade embargo.

Arabic-speaking Oriental Christians from Famagusta, who had emigrated to Cyprus on account of the Mongol and Mamluk conquests of Syria, acted as intermediaries and acquired great wealth. However, with the establishment of direct trade relations between the Mamluk state and Venice in the middle of the fourteenth century, the ultimately unsuccessful attack by Peter I on the Mamluk sultanate in the s, and the conquest of Famagusta by Genoa in , Cyprus lost its economic importance for the Mamluks5.

At the beginning of the fifteenth century, relations deteriorated further. The Cypriot king tried to compensate for the economic losses caused by the decline of trade by supporting piracy and raids on the Syrian coast. The piracy pursued or supported by Cyprus was no longer tolerated and several fleets were fitted out which finally succeeded in conquering the island and capturing the Cypriot king Janus — in For Mamluk historiography in general, see Donald P.

The Cambridge History of Egypt, vol. Islamic Egypt —, ed. For Famagusta, see also Peter W. Mamluk Poli- cies Toward Cyprus Between and , in: Journal of Cyprus Studies 11 , p. Colloque international des historiens de Byzance 3, Stras- bourg, 27—30 Septembre , p. Kypros apo ten Proistoria stous Neoterous Chronous, Nicosia , p.

In this letter, the sheikh urgently warned the king of the superior strength of the sultan, who, he noted, was also in the right since the Cypriots had not fulfilled their commit- ment to take action against piracy. He wrote that he was doing all this because of his esteem for the king, although he was thus betraying his own faith and his lord, the sultan, a devout Muslim. Both he and other members of his family held important positions in the administration of the Lusignans. He was thus a loyal supporter of the ruling dynasty. Comments on his Life and Work, in: He claims that it was even possible to recognise the participants from their joyful faces He describes the homecoming of the victorious troops in particular detail.

They marched through Cairo in a triumphal procession from the harbour to the citadel and thence to the sultan. The booty was also presented to the populace, including over 1, prisoners, with King Janus riding on a donkey at the end of the procession. After a ransom of , dinars had been agreed, Janus was released on condition that he should not leave Cairo until the ransom was paid In addition, the sultan instructed the governor of Cairo to show the king the city and its sights, as well as to entertain him with festive banquets What is more, the king visited the Christian churches and holy places in Cairo Thus, during his stay of several months in the city, Janus had the opportunity to make contact not only with influential emirs but also with Christians of both western and eastern origin.

History of Egypt — A. The Mamluks and Cyprus From then on, Cyprus was subject to the suzerainty of the sultan, and the Cypriots seem to have fulfilled their obligations. According to the account of his journey, Pero Tafur was commissioned by the king of Cyprus in to convey a message to the sultan. Pero Tafur had to give news of his homeland to his compatriot and in no time became a friend of the family, so that the translator not only helped him in his business with the sultan but also showed him around the city The relations with his fellow-countryman, described by Pero Tafur as being particularly cordial, show how original cultural links still continued to have an effect even after a conversion.

With the death of John II in , a dispute over the succession flared up in Cyprus between his daughter Charlotte and her illegitimate half-brother, James the Bastard. Peges kai meletes tes Kypriakes historias, 27 , p. A Narrative of the Chronicle of Cyprus, —, transl. The Frankish Period —, Cambridge reprint from , p. His identification of this mem- ber of the Flatro family with Burdbak therefore seems justified. James is also said to have taken part in the traditional festival of opening the side channels of the Nile, a public festival that was regarded by religious scholars as being disreputable, although the sultan is also claimed to have taken part in these dissolute activities.

For Flatro see p. History of Egypt, part VI, — A. The Mamluks and Cyprus James in the streets on account of his alleged homosexual relationship with the sul- tan According to the Cypriot historian Georgios Bustronios, she succeeded in this; obviously the many presents presented by her emissaries contributed to her success. Accordingly, her en- voys were promised that on the next day, during an audience, the official appointment of Charlotte as Queen of Cyprus would be pronounced by the sultan.

On hearing this, James was beside himself. However, one of his confidants worked on the emirs throughout the night, together with the above-mentioned Nasar Chous, because he spoke Arabic Apparently James was able to outbid Charlotte so that a memorable scene took place at the audience on the following day, one which was recorded in both Muslim and Cypriot writings, and far beyond that.

They wrested the gar- ment from the Cypriot envoys and shouted that only James was king. In the end, the sultan was forced to give way and to recognise James as the rightful ruler. A short time later, James embarked with Mamluk troops to Cyprus to assume power there. However, it was to take four years before he ultimately succeeded in achieving his objective, with the help of the Mamluks James II rewarded his comrades-in-arms, including some Mamluks, with the grant of fiefs. Georgios Boustronios, Diegesis Kronikas Kyproy, p.

Benjamin Arbel succeeded in finding the latter mentioned in two documents in the Venetian State Archive, permitting a more precise identification This Mamluk, now called Joannes Cerchassus, had submitted a petition to the Venetian Senate in , after Cyprus had been taken over by Venice, according to which he had spent many years on the island, probably during the civil war, in the retinue of James II. On his return to the Mamluk sultanate he had left four sons behind in Cyprus, of whom the eldest one, Petrus, had assumed the fief granted to his father.

He was now asking for a pecuniary fief, as was usual in Cyprus, for his three younger sons, Paris, Thomas, and Domenicus. At the same time, this Mamluk announced that he would soon be appoint- ed viceroy of Damascus, which might or might not be to the advantage of Venice. Accordingly, the Senate agreed to his request. All this was notwithstanding the fact that his sons lived in Cyprus and were clearly Christians, as their names prove. Requests for further improvements were rejected in spite of the fact that the emir had equipped his sons with horses and weapons so that they, too, could perform military service for the Signoria.

He did at least succeed, however, in achieving the conferment of an adminis- trative post upon his son-in-law, who had a large family to care for and who would otherwise have been destitute Thus a viceroy of Damascus and future sultan presents himself here as the caring head of his Christian family living in Cyprus, with which he was apparently in regular contact and to which he gave financial support. Whether the epithet Cercasso, which became the family name of his Cypriot family, did indeed denote his origin or simply represented a gen- eral designation for Mamluks cannot be clarified.

AH — AD — , p.

bgd.qc.ca/map2.php

In conclusion, it cannot be doubted that the fundamental orientation of Mamluk pol- icy was to the East, since an active and continuous naval policy was not pursued and the Mediterranean trade was left to Western European merchants. However, it is possi- ble to show how, at a personal but not necessarily private level, many and diverse relations and networks did exist and were cultivated between the Mamluk sultanate and Cyprus. Such cases provide the material necessary for the task of making the plurality and religious diversity of a pre-modern Islamic world and its fully fledged integration into the world of the Eastern Mediterranean visible again.

To be reminded of this seems to be of particular importance today, when this plurality is being both lost and increasingly denied. La raison en est simple: Res Antiquae 7 , p. Al-Andalus 32 , p. Al-Andalus 19 , p. Lebram, Leyde , p. Ibla 49 , p. Al-Qantara 5 , p. Kartographische Konzepte, Berlin , p. On ignore le statut exact du texte du manuscrit de Mashhad.

Est-ce une version pour le public ou une partie du rapport officiel? Folia Orientalia 19 , p. Der Islam 82 , p. Orient, an , Paris , p. Nova series, I , p. Convegno Internazionale 9— 15 aprile Oriente e Occidente nel Medioevo, Rome , p. Hesperis 8 , p. Bulletin of the School for Oriental and African Studies 13 , p. Al-Andalus 14 , p. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 13 , p.

Testo arabo con versione italiana, dans: Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 11 , p. Histoire des Francs , Leyde , p. In the field of history of science in Islamic societies, research prac- tice has focused almost exclusively on the study of texts or instruments and their trans- lations. Very few other aspects of a successful integration of knowledge have been studied as parts of transfer or transmission, among them processes such as patronage and local cooperation1.

Moreover, the concept of transfer or transmission itself has primarily been understood as generating complete texts or instruments that were more or less faithfully expressed in the new host language in the same way as in the origi- nal2. The manifold reasons beyond philological issues for transforming knowledge of a foreign culture into something different have not usually been considered, although such an approach would enrich the conceptualization of the cross-cultural mobility of knowledge.

In this paper, I will examine the cross-cultural presence of knowledge in a different manner, studying works of a specific group of people who created, copied, and modified culturally mixed objects of knowledge. My focus will be on Italian and Catalan charts and atlases of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, partly because the earliest of them are the oldest extant specimens of the genre and partly because they seem to be the richest, most diverse charts of all those extant from the Mediterranean region3.

As a rule, they had no direct access to the foreign places or their names, and knew next to nothing about their physical envi- ronment. They had to find sources from their own environment and make foreign sources accessible. To do this, they had to contact and collaborate with a number of people from different social groups and educational levels. Then, they had to choose between differing information found in texts, maps, and images, as well as that received from human informants, and to evaluate its trustworthiness.

Last but not least, they had to take into account the capability of the users of their work to understand the data, including its visual and symbolical components. Thus, writers and chart-makers had to navigate between different ways of knowing foreign lands, of reporting about them in writing, speaking, or drawing, and of using the final products of their work.

All of these aspects can be detected not only by analysing which names chart- makers attributed to localities on the North African coast and the region of its hinter- land from the Sinai to the Atlantic, but also by paying attention to the position of these names on the respective maps. The names and places show that there was a broad cultural reservoir from which all chart-makers were able to choose. They also indicate that those choices differed more than once.

Polyglossia was the norm of the day, but every chart-maker or workshop spoke it differently, even if the deviation was some- times only minor. The polyglot coastal names of Africa can be roughly divided into three groups: Arabic names or Arabic forms of names used in previous cultures ; names given by visitors from the Catholic world or, occasionally, adaptations of local forms into the linguistic spectrum of the chart-makers and their sources; and borrowings from ancient sources, either directly or possibly through an Arabic intermediary.

As my description of the content of each group indicates, the boundaries between them appear to have been fluid, and examples can be found on the boundaries between each pair of groups. A systematic linguistic analysis, combined with a register of the variants of such boundary cases in different languages and sources, is a desirable undertaking for future research. The first group is by far the largest. Medieval Portolan Charts rectly — by people who had learned them in a spoken environment.

In some cases, chart-makers may have contacted sailors, merchants, or other visitors to Africa directly. Several of them knew some Arabic, at least as elements of the lingua franca that is said to have emerged from the twelfth century5. Portolan chart-makers, in contrast, often did not know Arabic, with the exception of at least one of the Jewish chart-makers in Majorca and one Jewish emigrant to Alexandria who moved on to Safad. Other possible written sources for Arabic place names are portolani: Many of the transliterated Arabic place names given in this work written in Latin for an anonymous canon in Pisa — and thus for a member of the clerical written culture — can be found again, a century and more later, on the oldest extant portolan charts7.

A fascinating, but so far unresolved problem concerns the relationship of these trans- literations to Arabic written and cartographic sources. Diacritical points are often either lacking, misplaced, or already confounded by an Arabic copyist. Generally, the impact of written Arabic sources, whether books or maps, appears to have been negli- gible in the case of North African coastal names on portolan charts of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The second group — names given by foreign visitors from the northern Mediterranean to places or landmarks on the African coast — contains the second largest number of names.

The issue of polyglossia becomes even more complex when we realize that names similar in spelling to these Italian forms can also be found at times in Arabic texts or maps. The third group contains only a small number of names that were used or newly intro- duced in Ptolemaic or Roman Antiquity and that have not so far been found in Arabic geographies or maps, either as place names or at all: The varying numbers of such derivatives from ancient place names and their rather irregular appearance and distribution along the North African coast speak against a systematic extraction of literary sources of ancient origin by a highly educated reader.

Instead, they suggest a repeated addition of singular names from literary sources or maps to a set of names already of mixed origin. Handbuch der Geographie Griechisch—Deutsch , 2 vols. Damage and faded ink have obscured or rendered illegible some of the other names on the chart. This chart has also sustained damage and thus may have lost names. Naming African regions was not, however, a necessary ingredient even of adorned charts.

Those who ascribed names to parts of Africa chose from among ancient and Arabic names. Italian chart-makers had a greater preference for the former, but also used the latter. None of the chart-makers gave Arabic names to regions on the Mediter- ranean coast, except for the rare case of masr Egypt. Contemporary Arabic societies of northern Africa and their geographical literature were by and large ignored in both medieval Italian and Catalan portolan charts. This is all the more remarkable since Pisan, Genoese, Venetian, and Catalan merchants had traded there since the twelfth or thirteenth century.

It also hid the North African trading partners and their political spaces. Its fluidity documents repeated access to oral as well as written sources of information, both in Italy primarily in Venice and at Ciutat de Mallorca, as the main centres of portolan chart-making in the fourteenth century. This visualization of geographical objects rests on three major map- making traditions: The first tradition is represented by the way in which the Tigris and the Euphrates and their physical as well as cultural environments are depicted in all fourteenth-century charts that I have studied, except that by Carignano.

Atlas von 16 Lichtdruck-Tafeln, Stuttgart , Tables 10—11, 13, Arabic cartographic images have long been recognized as influential in the making of portolan charts and world maps during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They include variants of the representation of the Atlas Mountains; a form of the sources of the Nile in the Moon Mountains as found, for instance, in an anonymous portolan chart of the early fifteenth century and the Estense world map of the same century; the form of the African continent on world maps surrounded by the ocean and stretching far to the east; and the representation of the so-called western Nile flowing into the Atlantic, including details about gold to be found in the region of Ganuya, its islands, and maybe also the animals living along its shores.

Since a very similar world map was found some years ago in a twelfth- century copy of a Fatimid geography, the possibility of a broader set of sources providing the chart-makers with inspiration needs to be considered The richness of this cultural mix is impressive, as is the variability of the elements found in individual portolan charts. While numerous chart-makers chose similar geo- graphical objects to depict, as well as similar forms of representation, almost all complex images of geographical objects exist in two or more versions that do not directly depend on each other.

This suggests that the chart-makers, while undoubtedly copying from one another, modified their sources and chose creatively from the available repertory. These choices confirm the existence of a shared cultural space that grew and diversi- fied in this period. It no longer consisted only of words but now also comprised images and visual codes that needed to be learned.

Other elements of this shared space, which I will not discuss here, are the coastal contours of the seas and the technical elements such as the wind rose and the scale. In addition to new depictions of geographical objects, the charts and atlases contain two other types of visualizations that were shared with contemporary Islamic and Latin elite cultures. One concerns methods of representing words or numbers in tables. The other introduces the viewer to human figures and animals from other cultures across the Old World, and hence to politics, religion, custom, and commerce. One of the forms in which tabulated knowledge was visualized in Arabic texts pro- duced at courts and madrasas can be found in the centrepiece of several circular dia- grams in atlases made by Pietro and Perrino Vesconte in Venice between and A Critical Edition, fol.

Medieval Portolan Charts zodiac for each day and month of the year. The table was inscribed in three different writing directions. The header row and the left entry column present words and num- bers horizontally, while the cells are filled along the two diagonals, alternating regularly between the two. The result is a visually appealing array of zigzag lines.

To emphasize the artistic appeal and perhaps to improve didactic, mnemonic, or other functions of the device, the words are written in red and black alternately. The ornaments are coloured gold, while royal blue or mauve is used for their background The agreement in visualizing tabulated information between the two portolan chart- makers and Arabic scientific sources represents another facet of the shared cultural space.

In all likelihood, the two Genoese portolan chart-makers appropriated this style from objects of Latin elite knowledge. A Latin text using the style and the content of the table in the Vesconte atlases is a translation of an anonymous Arabic text on astro- logy made by Gerard of Cremona in Toledo in the twelfth century An older cultural strand links this tabular format to the Greek manuscript Vatican, gr. Moreover, it had already appeared in ancient Aramaic and Greek texts of Babylonian and Egyptian background used for predicting the impact of thunder depending on lunar positions in the zodiacal signs Thus, the shared space of portolan charts possesses considerable depth in some instances.

This depth enabled its broad horizontal extension linking the Vescontes with astrologers, diviners, chart-makers, and monks in Catholic societies as well as astrologers, diviners, physicians, philologists, and philosophers from Islamic societies across religious boundaries The embellishment of the table in the Vesconte atlases with gold, royal blue, mauve, and arabesque-type ornaments emphasizes their luxurious formats.

In one case Venice, Museo Correr, Portolano 28 , the cover has been described as inlayed in ivory and wood with many small geometrical ornaments in forms of stars and rhombi I thank David Juste Erlangen for this information. Revue de Qumran 16 , p. An Aramaic Brontolo- gion 4Q from Qumran, in: Thus, these embellishments might indicate — like the table — a further broad- ening of the shared cultural space from names and visual knowledge to aesthetic forms.

The decorations are only found, however, on a small part of the surface of the wooden book cover They show a parentage in Islamic forms while at the same time being clearly transformed and localized, thus rendering the forms more familiar. Further elements of art forms from the shared cultural space are saints in Byzantine style in the four corners of the charts in the Vesconte atlases and images on the Catalan Atlas that are derived from models found in Arabic, Ilkhanid, and post-Ilkhanid minia- ture-painting, glass, metal-ware, and ceramics They de- picted their knowledge of the centres of Muslim dynasties, as well as their world view, according to which almost all of Asia and Africa was ruled by such dynasties.

It certainly reflects the availability of specific knowledge about the Golden Horde in Genoa and on Majorca. The Cresques also modernized the visual representation of politics, choosing their artistic models from western Asian Islamic societies Their workshop, or its source, had access not only to one art object but to many.

These craftsmen encountered both earlier Arabic artistic styles and also newly developed trends in miniature painting from east of the Tigris. They copied them in an imaginative, decontextualizing style: Thus none of them represent genuine princes according to the codes of Persianate art. It is possible that the reshuffling of dresses, postures, gestures, tools, hats, crowns, and hairstyles conveys the same politi- cal message that Marino Sanudo d. The scholarly appearance of the rulers of Saray and Tabriz may therefore be the result of an intentionally creative act, a means to bring to mind the highly appreciated Arabic elite 33 A second atlas by Vesconte is also bound between two wooden plates, one of which shows similar, if less extensive, inlay work.

Medieval Portolan Charts knowledge. The decoration of the garb and headdresses alludes to the elegance and opulence of Islamic cultures coveted at Catholic courts along the northern Mediterra- nean. In one of his two atlases produced in , presumably in Venice, Pietro Vesconte almost exclu- sively used Arab-Indian numerals for indicating the days of a month.

In two cases, a common fraction with a fraction stroke and Arabic numerals, namely one half, can be found There is, however, no systematic study available of the vernacular usage of Arab-Indian integers or common fractions in the early fourteenth century. All that can be said with certainty is that their use remained exceptional in the entire output of Pietro and Perrino Vesconte. Abraham Cresques chose a different approach, apparently more typical of the fourteenth century.

He mixed Roman and Arab-Indian numerals in his splendid diagrammatic display of elementary astronomical, astrological, and numerical knowledge. In addition to text, the first and second panels of the Catalan Atlas contain five diagrams and a few purely artistic illustrations. The square table is arranged in the form of the zigzag sequences encountered in the Vesconte atlases. The days of the month are numbered in Roman numerals. Arab-Indian and Roman numerals are used alternately in the circular diagrams, which are more elaborate in both content and artistic execution than those in the Vesconte atlases.

The Cresques clearly shared numerical and artistic elements with chart-makers working in northern Italy, but they also went beyond them. Since, to the best of my knowl- edge, there is no document known in which a portolan chart-maker reflects on his work- ing practice and his criteria for choosing between alternative forms of information, such a judgement is wholly based on the character of their products. These products speak in several languages, linguistically and pictorially. They keep most of the words from dif- ferent languages unaltered once they were transcribed in Latin letters, except for scribal errors.

They reflect the capability of their makers and readers to use a kind of pidgin representing Mediterranean physical as well as intellectual travel along and across several cultural boundaries. The atlases where folios can be turned over can afford to show dif- ferent traditions sequentially, while those charts that were meant to be seen by themselves offer a single visual whole, hiding the different origins of their individual components.

The pictorial and verbal messages of adorned charts are often contradictory. Charts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries describe peaceful, bountiful lands throughout the Old World, generally using arms only as emblems sixteenth-century charts, in contrast, depict the deadly quality of weapons and the enmity between different rulers, if they are filled with human figures.

Most of the stories that medieval portolan charts tell take place outside the Mediterranean Catholic world, suggesting that the main attraction of ornamented charts lay in the North, South, and East. To sum up, medieval adorned portolan charts are highly complex, polyglot cultural products that bespeak the creativity of their makers and the curiosity of their users, as well as the complexities of cultural interaction in the Mediter- ranean.

Contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, Turnhout , p. Dans certains cas, il explique les transcriptions de mots et leur origine arabe. Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde bis ca. Encyclopaedia Ira- nica, vol. Arabic Sciences and Phi- losophy 16 , p. Herrscher zwischen Orient und Okzident, Darmstadt , p. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 61 , p. Herrscher zwischen den Kulturen, Berlin , p. Zur Geschichte Friedrichs II. Medieval History Journal 21 , p. Graz , p. Girolamo Ramusio et Andrea Alpago. Le successeur de Ramusio est Andrea Alpago m.

Miscella- nea Mediaevalia 33 , p. Jacob ben Elijah to Friar Paul, dans: Jewish History 6 , p. Ecumenismo della cultura, vol. Documents de Manosque, —, Aix-en- Provence Mediaeval Studies 42 , p. Bonfils accepta toutes ces clauses. Arnaud de Villeneuve, dans: On ignore tout des volumes en question: Ce fut le chirurgien juif Vital de Lunel qui prodigua les premiers soins.

Il apposa des fers chauds sur les plaies du patient et lui amputa des os des mains et des pieds. Approches historiographiques et perspectives de recherche, Munich , p. Ici, il y a deux formes de transferts possibles: Qalawunid Architecture and the Great Mosque of Damascus, dans: Muqarnas 14 , p. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 12 , p. Entwicklung und Struktur einer orientalisch-islamischen Stadt, Mayence , p. The Holy City in Context —, Londres , p.

An Architectural and Archaeological Study, Oxford Crusader Spolia in Ayyubid Jerusalem, dans: Studies in Architecture II, dans: Ars islamica 10 , p. Acta Orientalia Belgica 17 , p. Studia Islamica 27 , p. Fragments de la chronique de Moudjir ed-Dyn, trad. It is the oldest such book, copies of which are still extant today.

We have no sources giving the reaction of the Japanese public or mentioning whether this public realized that they were reading a story with which most of them were already familiar. For one of the two seemingly Catholic saints2, Josaphat, is in fact none other than Buddha himself3. But how did he end up as a Christian saint, presented to a mostly Buddhist public4? In this article, I will present a stemma according to the present state of research, and will then discuss problems in the transmission of this text, especially addressing the question of the religious background of the people involved.

I begin, however, with a summary of the story, according to the longest surviving Arabic form5. He lives an entirely worldly life and is very successful, but despairs of ever having a son. The Latin source used has not yet been firmly established see ibid. Historia animae utilis de Barlaam et Ioasaph spuria , vol. It should be noted that this version cannot claim to be the arche- type see ibid. The king tries to get around the stars by locking up his son, instructing the servants never to tell him about death and diseases, and not letting him out of the palace, so that the boy will never know of anything unpleasant.

But the prince realizes that he is the only person not allowed to leave the palace. Eventually, he gets permis- sion to go riding outside. However, the servants are instructed to clear the streets so that the prince will still not be disturbed by the presence of illness or death. This can- not last: He describes the homecoming of the victorious troops in particular detail.

Quelques listes de livres hébreux dans des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris

They marched through Cairo in a triumphal procession from the harbour to the citadel and thence to the sultan. The booty was also presented to the populace, including over 1, prisoners, with King Janus riding on a donkey at the end of the procession. After a ransom of , dinars had been agreed, Janus was released on condition that he should not leave Cairo until the ransom was paid In addition, the sultan instructed the governor of Cairo to show the king the city and its sights, as well as to entertain him with festive banquets What is more, the king visited the Christian churches and holy places in Cairo Thus, during his stay of several months in the city, Janus had the opportunity to make contact not only with influential emirs but also with Christians of both western and eastern origin.

History of Egypt — A. The Mamluks and Cyprus From then on, Cyprus was subject to the suzerainty of the sultan, and the Cypriots seem to have fulfilled their obligations. According to the account of his journey, Pero Tafur was commissioned by the king of Cyprus in to convey a message to the sultan. Pero Tafur had to give news of his homeland to his compatriot and in no time became a friend of the family, so that the translator not only helped him in his business with the sultan but also showed him around the city The relations with his fellow-countryman, described by Pero Tafur as being particularly cordial, show how original cultural links still continued to have an effect even after a conversion.

With the death of John II in , a dispute over the succession flared up in Cyprus between his daughter Charlotte and her illegitimate half-brother, James the Bastard. Peges kai meletes tes Kypriakes historias, 27 , p. A Narrative of the Chronicle of Cyprus, —, transl. The Frankish Period —, Cambridge reprint from , p. His identification of this mem- ber of the Flatro family with Burdbak therefore seems justified.

James is also said to have taken part in the traditional festival of opening the side channels of the Nile, a public festival that was regarded by religious scholars as being disreputable, although the sultan is also claimed to have taken part in these dissolute activities. For Flatro see p. History of Egypt, part VI, — A. The Mamluks and Cyprus James in the streets on account of his alleged homosexual relationship with the sul- tan According to the Cypriot historian Georgios Bustronios, she succeeded in this; obviously the many presents presented by her emissaries contributed to her success.

Accordingly, her en- voys were promised that on the next day, during an audience, the official appointment of Charlotte as Queen of Cyprus would be pronounced by the sultan. On hearing this, James was beside himself. However, one of his confidants worked on the emirs throughout the night, together with the above-mentioned Nasar Chous, because he spoke Arabic Apparently James was able to outbid Charlotte so that a memorable scene took place at the audience on the following day, one which was recorded in both Muslim and Cypriot writings, and far beyond that.

They wrested the gar- ment from the Cypriot envoys and shouted that only James was king. In the end, the sultan was forced to give way and to recognise James as the rightful ruler. A short time later, James embarked with Mamluk troops to Cyprus to assume power there. However, it was to take four years before he ultimately succeeded in achieving his objective, with the help of the Mamluks James II rewarded his comrades-in-arms, including some Mamluks, with the grant of fiefs.

Georgios Boustronios, Diegesis Kronikas Kyproy, p. Benjamin Arbel succeeded in finding the latter mentioned in two documents in the Venetian State Archive, permitting a more precise identification This Mamluk, now called Joannes Cerchassus, had submitted a petition to the Venetian Senate in , after Cyprus had been taken over by Venice, according to which he had spent many years on the island, probably during the civil war, in the retinue of James II.

On his return to the Mamluk sultanate he had left four sons behind in Cyprus, of whom the eldest one, Petrus, had assumed the fief granted to his father. He was now asking for a pecuniary fief, as was usual in Cyprus, for his three younger sons, Paris, Thomas, and Domenicus. At the same time, this Mamluk announced that he would soon be appoint- ed viceroy of Damascus, which might or might not be to the advantage of Venice. Accordingly, the Senate agreed to his request. All this was notwithstanding the fact that his sons lived in Cyprus and were clearly Christians, as their names prove.

Requests for further improvements were rejected in spite of the fact that the emir had equipped his sons with horses and weapons so that they, too, could perform military service for the Signoria. He did at least succeed, however, in achieving the conferment of an adminis- trative post upon his son-in-law, who had a large family to care for and who would otherwise have been destitute Thus a viceroy of Damascus and future sultan presents himself here as the caring head of his Christian family living in Cyprus, with which he was apparently in regular contact and to which he gave financial support.

Whether the epithet Cercasso, which became the family name of his Cypriot family, did indeed denote his origin or simply represented a gen- eral designation for Mamluks cannot be clarified. AH — AD — , p. In conclusion, it cannot be doubted that the fundamental orientation of Mamluk pol- icy was to the East, since an active and continuous naval policy was not pursued and the Mediterranean trade was left to Western European merchants. However, it is possi- ble to show how, at a personal but not necessarily private level, many and diverse relations and networks did exist and were cultivated between the Mamluk sultanate and Cyprus.

Such cases provide the material necessary for the task of making the plurality and religious diversity of a pre-modern Islamic world and its fully fledged integration into the world of the Eastern Mediterranean visible again. To be reminded of this seems to be of particular importance today, when this plurality is being both lost and increasingly denied. La raison en est simple: Res Antiquae 7 , p. Al-Andalus 32 , p. Al-Andalus 19 , p.

Lebram, Leyde , p. Ibla 49 , p. Al-Qantara 5 , p. Kartographische Konzepte, Berlin , p. On ignore le statut exact du texte du manuscrit de Mashhad. Est-ce une version pour le public ou une partie du rapport officiel? Folia Orientalia 19 , p. Der Islam 82 , p. Orient, an , Paris , p. Nova series, I , p. Convegno Internazionale 9— 15 aprile Oriente e Occidente nel Medioevo, Rome , p. Hesperis 8 , p. Bulletin of the School for Oriental and African Studies 13 , p.

Al-Andalus 14 , p. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 13 , p. Testo arabo con versione italiana, dans: Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche 11 , p. Histoire des Francs , Leyde , p. In the field of history of science in Islamic societies, research prac- tice has focused almost exclusively on the study of texts or instruments and their trans- lations. Very few other aspects of a successful integration of knowledge have been studied as parts of transfer or transmission, among them processes such as patronage and local cooperation1.

Moreover, the concept of transfer or transmission itself has primarily been understood as generating complete texts or instruments that were more or less faithfully expressed in the new host language in the same way as in the origi- nal2. The manifold reasons beyond philological issues for transforming knowledge of a foreign culture into something different have not usually been considered, although such an approach would enrich the conceptualization of the cross-cultural mobility of knowledge. In this paper, I will examine the cross-cultural presence of knowledge in a different manner, studying works of a specific group of people who created, copied, and modified culturally mixed objects of knowledge.

My focus will be on Italian and Catalan charts and atlases of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, partly because the earliest of them are the oldest extant specimens of the genre and partly because they seem to be the richest, most diverse charts of all those extant from the Mediterranean region3. As a rule, they had no direct access to the foreign places or their names, and knew next to nothing about their physical envi- ronment.

They had to find sources from their own environment and make foreign sources accessible. To do this, they had to contact and collaborate with a number of people from different social groups and educational levels.

Then, they had to choose between differing information found in texts, maps, and images, as well as that received from human informants, and to evaluate its trustworthiness. Last but not least, they had to take into account the capability of the users of their work to understand the data, including its visual and symbolical components. Thus, writers and chart-makers had to navigate between different ways of knowing foreign lands, of reporting about them in writing, speaking, or drawing, and of using the final products of their work.

All of these aspects can be detected not only by analysing which names chart- makers attributed to localities on the North African coast and the region of its hinter- land from the Sinai to the Atlantic, but also by paying attention to the position of these names on the respective maps. The names and places show that there was a broad cultural reservoir from which all chart-makers were able to choose.

They also indicate that those choices differed more than once. Polyglossia was the norm of the day, but every chart-maker or workshop spoke it differently, even if the deviation was some- times only minor. The polyglot coastal names of Africa can be roughly divided into three groups: Arabic names or Arabic forms of names used in previous cultures ; names given by visitors from the Catholic world or, occasionally, adaptations of local forms into the linguistic spectrum of the chart-makers and their sources; and borrowings from ancient sources, either directly or possibly through an Arabic intermediary.

As my description of the content of each group indicates, the boundaries between them appear to have been fluid, and examples can be found on the boundaries between each pair of groups. A systematic linguistic analysis, combined with a register of the variants of such boundary cases in different languages and sources, is a desirable undertaking for future research.

The first group is by far the largest. Medieval Portolan Charts rectly — by people who had learned them in a spoken environment. In some cases, chart-makers may have contacted sailors, merchants, or other visitors to Africa directly. Several of them knew some Arabic, at least as elements of the lingua franca that is said to have emerged from the twelfth century5.

Portolan chart-makers, in contrast, often did not know Arabic, with the exception of at least one of the Jewish chart-makers in Majorca and one Jewish emigrant to Alexandria who moved on to Safad. Other possible written sources for Arabic place names are portolani: Many of the transliterated Arabic place names given in this work written in Latin for an anonymous canon in Pisa — and thus for a member of the clerical written culture — can be found again, a century and more later, on the oldest extant portolan charts7. A fascinating, but so far unresolved problem concerns the relationship of these trans- literations to Arabic written and cartographic sources.

Diacritical points are often either lacking, misplaced, or already confounded by an Arabic copyist. Generally, the impact of written Arabic sources, whether books or maps, appears to have been negli- gible in the case of North African coastal names on portolan charts of the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. The second group — names given by foreign visitors from the northern Mediterranean to places or landmarks on the African coast — contains the second largest number of names.

The issue of polyglossia becomes even more complex when we realize that names similar in spelling to these Italian forms can also be found at times in Arabic texts or maps. The third group contains only a small number of names that were used or newly intro- duced in Ptolemaic or Roman Antiquity and that have not so far been found in Arabic geographies or maps, either as place names or at all: The varying numbers of such derivatives from ancient place names and their rather irregular appearance and distribution along the North African coast speak against a systematic extraction of literary sources of ancient origin by a highly educated reader.

Instead, they suggest a repeated addition of singular names from literary sources or maps to a set of names already of mixed origin. Handbuch der Geographie Griechisch—Deutsch , 2 vols. Damage and faded ink have obscured or rendered illegible some of the other names on the chart. This chart has also sustained damage and thus may have lost names.

Naming African regions was not, however, a necessary ingredient even of adorned charts. Those who ascribed names to parts of Africa chose from among ancient and Arabic names. Italian chart-makers had a greater preference for the former, but also used the latter. None of the chart-makers gave Arabic names to regions on the Mediter- ranean coast, except for the rare case of masr Egypt.

Contemporary Arabic societies of northern Africa and their geographical literature were by and large ignored in both medieval Italian and Catalan portolan charts. This is all the more remarkable since Pisan, Genoese, Venetian, and Catalan merchants had traded there since the twelfth or thirteenth century. It also hid the North African trading partners and their political spaces. Its fluidity documents repeated access to oral as well as written sources of information, both in Italy primarily in Venice and at Ciutat de Mallorca, as the main centres of portolan chart-making in the fourteenth century.

This visualization of geographical objects rests on three major map- making traditions: The first tradition is represented by the way in which the Tigris and the Euphrates and their physical as well as cultural environments are depicted in all fourteenth-century charts that I have studied, except that by Carignano.

Atlas von 16 Lichtdruck-Tafeln, Stuttgart , Tables 10—11, 13, Arabic cartographic images have long been recognized as influential in the making of portolan charts and world maps during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. They include variants of the representation of the Atlas Mountains; a form of the sources of the Nile in the Moon Mountains as found, for instance, in an anonymous portolan chart of the early fifteenth century and the Estense world map of the same century; the form of the African continent on world maps surrounded by the ocean and stretching far to the east; and the representation of the so-called western Nile flowing into the Atlantic, including details about gold to be found in the region of Ganuya, its islands, and maybe also the animals living along its shores.

xecykisypife.tk:Kindle Store:Kindle eBooks:eBooks in Foreign Languages:French:Religion

Since a very similar world map was found some years ago in a twelfth- century copy of a Fatimid geography, the possibility of a broader set of sources providing the chart-makers with inspiration needs to be considered The richness of this cultural mix is impressive, as is the variability of the elements found in individual portolan charts. While numerous chart-makers chose similar geo- graphical objects to depict, as well as similar forms of representation, almost all complex images of geographical objects exist in two or more versions that do not directly depend on each other.

This suggests that the chart-makers, while undoubtedly copying from one another, modified their sources and chose creatively from the available repertory. These choices confirm the existence of a shared cultural space that grew and diversi- fied in this period. It no longer consisted only of words but now also comprised images and visual codes that needed to be learned.

Other elements of this shared space, which I will not discuss here, are the coastal contours of the seas and the technical elements such as the wind rose and the scale. In addition to new depictions of geographical objects, the charts and atlases contain two other types of visualizations that were shared with contemporary Islamic and Latin elite cultures. One concerns methods of representing words or numbers in tables.

The other introduces the viewer to human figures and animals from other cultures across the Old World, and hence to politics, religion, custom, and commerce. One of the forms in which tabulated knowledge was visualized in Arabic texts pro- duced at courts and madrasas can be found in the centrepiece of several circular dia- grams in atlases made by Pietro and Perrino Vesconte in Venice between and A Critical Edition, fol.

Medieval Portolan Charts zodiac for each day and month of the year. The table was inscribed in three different writing directions. The header row and the left entry column present words and num- bers horizontally, while the cells are filled along the two diagonals, alternating regularly between the two. The result is a visually appealing array of zigzag lines. To emphasize the artistic appeal and perhaps to improve didactic, mnemonic, or other functions of the device, the words are written in red and black alternately.

The ornaments are coloured gold, while royal blue or mauve is used for their background The agreement in visualizing tabulated information between the two portolan chart- makers and Arabic scientific sources represents another facet of the shared cultural space. In all likelihood, the two Genoese portolan chart-makers appropriated this style from objects of Latin elite knowledge. A Latin text using the style and the content of the table in the Vesconte atlases is a translation of an anonymous Arabic text on astro- logy made by Gerard of Cremona in Toledo in the twelfth century An older cultural strand links this tabular format to the Greek manuscript Vatican, gr.

Moreover, it had already appeared in ancient Aramaic and Greek texts of Babylonian and Egyptian background used for predicting the impact of thunder depending on lunar positions in the zodiacal signs Thus, the shared space of portolan charts possesses considerable depth in some instances. This depth enabled its broad horizontal extension linking the Vescontes with astrologers, diviners, chart-makers, and monks in Catholic societies as well as astrologers, diviners, physicians, philologists, and philosophers from Islamic societies across religious boundaries The embellishment of the table in the Vesconte atlases with gold, royal blue, mauve, and arabesque-type ornaments emphasizes their luxurious formats.

In one case Venice, Museo Correr, Portolano 28 , the cover has been described as inlayed in ivory and wood with many small geometrical ornaments in forms of stars and rhombi I thank David Juste Erlangen for this information. Revue de Qumran 16 , p. An Aramaic Brontolo- gion 4Q from Qumran, in: Thus, these embellishments might indicate — like the table — a further broad- ening of the shared cultural space from names and visual knowledge to aesthetic forms. The decorations are only found, however, on a small part of the surface of the wooden book cover They show a parentage in Islamic forms while at the same time being clearly transformed and localized, thus rendering the forms more familiar.

Further elements of art forms from the shared cultural space are saints in Byzantine style in the four corners of the charts in the Vesconte atlases and images on the Catalan Atlas that are derived from models found in Arabic, Ilkhanid, and post-Ilkhanid minia- ture-painting, glass, metal-ware, and ceramics They de- picted their knowledge of the centres of Muslim dynasties, as well as their world view, according to which almost all of Asia and Africa was ruled by such dynasties.

It certainly reflects the availability of specific knowledge about the Golden Horde in Genoa and on Majorca. The Cresques also modernized the visual representation of politics, choosing their artistic models from western Asian Islamic societies Their workshop, or its source, had access not only to one art object but to many. These craftsmen encountered both earlier Arabic artistic styles and also newly developed trends in miniature painting from east of the Tigris.

They copied them in an imaginative, decontextualizing style: Thus none of them represent genuine princes according to the codes of Persianate art. It is possible that the reshuffling of dresses, postures, gestures, tools, hats, crowns, and hairstyles conveys the same politi- cal message that Marino Sanudo d. The scholarly appearance of the rulers of Saray and Tabriz may therefore be the result of an intentionally creative act, a means to bring to mind the highly appreciated Arabic elite 33 A second atlas by Vesconte is also bound between two wooden plates, one of which shows similar, if less extensive, inlay work.

Medieval Portolan Charts knowledge. The decoration of the garb and headdresses alludes to the elegance and opulence of Islamic cultures coveted at Catholic courts along the northern Mediterra- nean. In one of his two atlases produced in , presumably in Venice, Pietro Vesconte almost exclu- sively used Arab-Indian numerals for indicating the days of a month. In two cases, a common fraction with a fraction stroke and Arabic numerals, namely one half, can be found There is, however, no systematic study available of the vernacular usage of Arab-Indian integers or common fractions in the early fourteenth century.

All that can be said with certainty is that their use remained exceptional in the entire output of Pietro and Perrino Vesconte. Abraham Cresques chose a different approach, apparently more typical of the fourteenth century. He mixed Roman and Arab-Indian numerals in his splendid diagrammatic display of elementary astronomical, astrological, and numerical knowledge. In addition to text, the first and second panels of the Catalan Atlas contain five diagrams and a few purely artistic illustrations.

The square table is arranged in the form of the zigzag sequences encountered in the Vesconte atlases. The days of the month are numbered in Roman numerals. Arab-Indian and Roman numerals are used alternately in the circular diagrams, which are more elaborate in both content and artistic execution than those in the Vesconte atlases. The Cresques clearly shared numerical and artistic elements with chart-makers working in northern Italy, but they also went beyond them. Since, to the best of my knowl- edge, there is no document known in which a portolan chart-maker reflects on his work- ing practice and his criteria for choosing between alternative forms of information, such a judgement is wholly based on the character of their products.

These products speak in several languages, linguistically and pictorially. They keep most of the words from dif- ferent languages unaltered once they were transcribed in Latin letters, except for scribal errors. They reflect the capability of their makers and readers to use a kind of pidgin representing Mediterranean physical as well as intellectual travel along and across several cultural boundaries.

The atlases where folios can be turned over can afford to show dif- ferent traditions sequentially, while those charts that were meant to be seen by themselves offer a single visual whole, hiding the different origins of their individual components. The pictorial and verbal messages of adorned charts are often contradictory. Charts of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries describe peaceful, bountiful lands throughout the Old World, generally using arms only as emblems sixteenth-century charts, in contrast, depict the deadly quality of weapons and the enmity between different rulers, if they are filled with human figures.

Most of the stories that medieval portolan charts tell take place outside the Mediterranean Catholic world, suggesting that the main attraction of ornamented charts lay in the North, South, and East. To sum up, medieval adorned portolan charts are highly complex, polyglot cultural products that bespeak the creativity of their makers and the curiosity of their users, as well as the complexities of cultural interaction in the Mediter- ranean. Contacts scientifiques au temps des croisades, Turnhout , p. Dans certains cas, il explique les transcriptions de mots et leur origine arabe.

Medizin, Pharmazie, Zoologie, Tierheilkunde bis ca. Encyclopaedia Ira- nica, vol. Arabic Sciences and Phi- losophy 16 , p. Herrscher zwischen Orient und Okzident, Darmstadt , p. Rocznik Orientalistyczny 61 , p. Herrscher zwischen den Kulturen, Berlin , p. Zur Geschichte Friedrichs II. Medieval History Journal 21 , p. Graz , p. Girolamo Ramusio et Andrea Alpago. Le successeur de Ramusio est Andrea Alpago m.

Miscella- nea Mediaevalia 33 , p. Jacob ben Elijah to Friar Paul, dans: Jewish History 6 , p. Ecumenismo della cultura, vol. Documents de Manosque, —, Aix-en- Provence Mediaeval Studies 42 , p. Bonfils accepta toutes ces clauses. Arnaud de Villeneuve, dans: On ignore tout des volumes en question: Ce fut le chirurgien juif Vital de Lunel qui prodigua les premiers soins. Il apposa des fers chauds sur les plaies du patient et lui amputa des os des mains et des pieds.

Approches historiographiques et perspectives de recherche, Munich , p. Ici, il y a deux formes de transferts possibles: Qalawunid Architecture and the Great Mosque of Damascus, dans: Muqarnas 14 , p. Dumbarton Oaks Papers 12 , p. Entwicklung und Struktur einer orientalisch-islamischen Stadt, Mayence , p. The Holy City in Context —, Londres , p. An Architectural and Archaeological Study, Oxford Crusader Spolia in Ayyubid Jerusalem, dans: Studies in Architecture II, dans: Ars islamica 10 , p.

Acta Orientalia Belgica 17 , p. Studia Islamica 27 , p. Fragments de la chronique de Moudjir ed-Dyn, trad. It is the oldest such book, copies of which are still extant today. We have no sources giving the reaction of the Japanese public or mentioning whether this public realized that they were reading a story with which most of them were already familiar. For one of the two seemingly Catholic saints2, Josaphat, is in fact none other than Buddha himself3. But how did he end up as a Christian saint, presented to a mostly Buddhist public4? In this article, I will present a stemma according to the present state of research, and will then discuss problems in the transmission of this text, especially addressing the question of the religious background of the people involved.

I begin, however, with a summary of the story, according to the longest surviving Arabic form5. He lives an entirely worldly life and is very successful, but despairs of ever having a son. The Latin source used has not yet been firmly established see ibid. Historia animae utilis de Barlaam et Ioasaph spuria , vol.

It should be noted that this version cannot claim to be the arche- type see ibid. The king tries to get around the stars by locking up his son, instructing the servants never to tell him about death and diseases, and not letting him out of the palace, so that the boy will never know of anything unpleasant. But the prince realizes that he is the only person not allowed to leave the palace. Eventually, he gets permis- sion to go riding outside. However, the servants are instructed to clear the streets so that the prince will still not be disturbed by the presence of illness or death.

This can- not last: Through these encounters, he becomes aware of sickness and death, and starts to think about the meaning of life. This is when the second protagonist — in Arabic called Bilawhar, in Latin Barlaam8 — enters the stage: He starts telling the young man parables about the vanity of the world and the meaning of the afterlife.

The prince is easily convinced of the truth of monotheism. After four months, Barlaam takes his leave, just in time, for the king has finally realized that something is going wrong. He tries to win back his son to a worldly life. But whatever he does, he fails: Eventually, the prince leaves the world and converts his people to monothe- ism.

This story goes back to Indian legends about the life of Buddha, though it is impos- sible to establish a single source9. Another point is his name: Finally, the tales told to illustrate the true faith are of Indian, Arabic syllable structure and not to be found in cases where the manuscripts occasionally indi- cate the vocalization ibid. In this article, I generally use the more widely known Latin forms of the proper names. A Review of the Legend of Barlaam and Josaphat, in: Religious Studies 23 , p.

The most important differences are that the real Buddha did not need a teacher13 to understand the truth and that his teaching was not about mono- theism What happened between the two points mentioned so far — the starting point in India and the endpoint in a Jesuit text for a Japanese public? From India, the Buddha legend travelled to the Arabic-speaking world. The dating of these Arabic versions poses some problems. All Arabic manuscripts containing the texts are — as usual in the transmission of Arabic literary texts — rather late.

Furthermore, if we are to take his indications of his sources seriously, as I think we should, we are led back even further, to the early tenth century As the Georgian version translated from Arabic seems to date from before , this gives us ter B. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 11 , p. Introduction, English translation, etc. The Encyclopaedia of Islam 2, Leiden —, vol. Buddha in Disguise some indication as to the terminus ante quem. Neverthe- less, the style of the Ismaili text suggests a relatively early date of translation.

Gimaret has suggested a date between and , with an inclination towards the earlier part of that period, namely the second half of the eighth century, which to me seems quite probable From Arabic, the text moved in several directions: From the Hebrew, we have a line towards Yiddish28 and Judeo-Persian29, but, unlike so many other medieval texts, no other continuation and markedly none into Latin. Amazingly, the Georgian version, which seems to have been produced before , was far more influential It served as Vorlage not only for an abbreviated version31 but also for a Byzantine Greek translation of the second half of the tenth century From Greece, the story eventually conquered both East and West Among others, we have a translation back into Arabic this time a Christian form of it 34 and several translations into Latin.

Lexikon des Mittelalters, Stuttgart []—, vol. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittel- alters. Verfasserlexikon, Berlin, New York —, vol. Askese im Barlaam-Roman, in: Festschrift Walter Beltz, vol. Historia animae utilis de Barlaam et Io- asaph spuria , 2 vols. Syria 32 , p. Three independent Latin prose versions were produced between the eleventh and the sixteenth centuries. The oldest translation is from , extant in a sin- gle manuscript, and seems not to have made a lasting impression One final version is supplied by a Latin versification from the twelfth century From Latin, the story continues: And it is somewhat ironic that the Latin text was also translated back into Greek The Japanese version mentioned in the introduction probably goes back to a Latin one as well The Christian Arabic version was later translated into Ethiopian: Die anonyme Versifikation der Barlaam- und Josaphatlegende This translation was made by the Norman Argyros, duke of Italy, who spent five years in Constantinople around the middle of the eleventh century.

Argyros seems to have obtained his Greek Vorlage from a man called Leon, who might well have been a Latin monk from the Amalfi monastery at Athos. Vitae patrum sive historiae eremiticae libri decem, Paris reprinted Turnholt , col. Buddha in Disguise But who were the intermediaries between the Indian Buddha legend and the Arabic archetype45?

What do we know about the Arabic versions, especially about the milieux of their production and transmission? And when did the legend of Buddha turn into the life of two Christian saints? Here I propose a slightly different third one. The first way of transmission is via the Manicheans of Central Asia This hypothe- sis is based on fragments found in the Oasis of Turfan47, most importantly one in Old Turkish48 and one in New Persian These fragments use names for the protagonists that are close to the Arabic forms.

The Manicheans would have loved the story for its appraisal of asceticism and for its parables From Turfan, the story would then have moved on to the West, arriving in Baghdad, where it was translated into Arabic. However, this theory has its weaknesses. The main one is that this way of transmission is not attested with any other text.

Furthermore, the very convincing New Persian fragment is considerably later than the Arabic archetype, as it dates from the first half of the tenth century51, while the Arabic archetype probably 45 I do not mean to suggest that it is possible to reconstruct such an archetype, as the extant versions are too far apart from each other. Eine neue Version von Barlaam und Joasaph, in: Studies in Honour of S. Taqizade, London , p. Finally, even the Turkish fragment might be later than the Arabic: This hypothesis has the big advantage that it gives a well known parallel. I would like to propose a third option: This hypothesis would explain the Turkish fragment from Turfan as an independent translation from an Indian source, while the Persian fragment might still go back to the Arabic archetype, as has already been sug- gested by the editor of this fragment The way westwards to Iraq need not have been via Middle Persian.

In fact, we should dare to ask the question whether we need an intermediate language. It must be admitted that there are not many translations of Indian texts into Arabic, but there are some: Many medical translations date from precisely the time under discussion, namely the second half of the eighth century, and also come from the place in question, namely Iraq Clearly there were people in Iraq with some knowledge of Indian languages, and we might assume that they were not only interested in medical writings. However, I admit that there is no proof for this hypothesis at present.

As we have noted above, we have three Arabic versions of the text extant in manu- scripts, and all of them are connected with a sectarian milieu. First, there is the so- called Ismaili version, edited by Gimaret, the longest of the Arabic texts, and probably the closest to the archetype Buddha in Disguise the names of his sources, which lead back to the Shiite milieu of the southern Iraqi town of Basra in the early tenth century This short form obviously goes back to the so-called Ismaili version edited by Gimaret62 and, if we consider the strong link between the Ismailis and the Druze, this cannot come as a surprise But is this assumption correct?

I wish to thank Gerald Grobbel Zurich for these references. Inter- nationalen Orientalisten-Congresses, Sem. Section, Wien , p. Far more interesting, therefore, is a remark from the eleventh century, in which Josaphat is called a false prophet Consequently, it is not surprising that he should disapprove of Josaphat, who could not claim any religious authority in Islamic terms.

The evidence for a sectarian background is therefore be weak. More evidence may be found by looking at the text itself. What we find is a story praising an ascetic way of life, but not a form of Islamic asceticism. This was, I think, simply not what most readers wanted. This book is an example of fine Arabic prose, and was always considered to be so This kind of audience did not want to hear praise of an ascetic life.

Why should they want to be told that they should get rid of their power and easy life as soon as possible? A Bibliography of Sources and Studies, London , p. Georgian MS , in: Bulletin of the School of Orien- tal and African Studies 20 , p. Enzyklopae- die des Islam. Buddha in Disguise pious people have bothered with a text that was not Islamic and hardly made any refer- ence to anything Islamic72?

We have a considerable number of religious Islamic texts from even the eighth century — who needed a non-Islamic one? This is, I argue, where the so-called sects come in: Ismailis, Twelver Shiites, Druzes — all of them were, for most of their history, on the fringes of Muslim society and not in power. They therefore tried to argue their point, within and outside their communities.

Particularly for arguing outside the community, a text that did not explain too clearly what it meant could be helpful But the book was not very suc- cessful, because some potential readers, namely courtiers, had no interest in asceticism, while others, especially the pious, though interested in asceticism74, were not interested in a non-Islamic form of it In both books, we only get an idea of what is supposed to be true; furthermore, both books have a very strong focus on the exclusiveness of knowledge and the idea that some are worthy to ob- tain it, while others are not.

Encyclopaedia of Islam 3, Leiden , fasc.

There are two Georgian versions extant: These versions are quite exceptional, for what the anonymous Georgian — presumably a monk — produced was by no means a straightforward translation: Josaphat, the prince, does not become convinced of monotheism and of an ascetic way of life in general; rather, he becomes a Christian and is baptized by his spiritual father, Barlaam While Georgian was a relatively marginal language, the translation into Byzantine Greek guaranteed the increasing success of the text, adding much theological material and quotations from Scripture, which seem to have helped rather than hindered the diffusion of the story.

The Greek version was long attributed to John of Damascus, an attribution impossible on chronological grounds, as John died around Whether we should or should not assume Manicheans to have played an important role is a question not yet solved. I believe, however, that their role may have been exaggerated considerably. The story could have reached Iraq quite easily by other ways, be it via Middle Persian or directly from India via merchants, doctors, and the like. However, even after being translated into Arabic, presumably by a Muslim, the text was never Islamized.

We can argue that this was one of the reasons for its failure to remain or become widely popular.


  1. Publish, Preserve and Profit from Your Family Recipes!;
  2. Wendell Berry and Religion: Heavens Earthly Life (Clark Lectures);
  3. Quelques listes de livres hébreux dans des manuscrits de la Bibliothèque nationale de Paris.

Later, the text was lost to the general public and was only transmitted in sectarian Muslim communities, such as Ismailis, Twelver Shiites, and Druze, who kept the text for several reasons: This was most probably due to a Georgian monk from Jerusalem, as the text would fit into the corpus of works translated by the Georgian community in Jerusalem, who were interested in hagiography, ascetics, and exegesis. Buddha in Disguise definitely stems from a monastic background, we are on fairly safe grounds in arguing that this was also true for the Georgian version.

But we also have a couple of versions in European vernaculars that seem to be intended for a courtly readership. And, while the courtiers of Baghdad seem to have disliked the text deeply, those of medieval Germany loved it and made the version by Rudolf of Ems one of the more popular verse epics of the thirteenth century Marburger Colloquium , Berlin , p. Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters. Akteure und Ziele, Vienne, Cologne, Weimar Charles de Valois ne devait jamais mettre le pied sur le sol de son empire. Inter- und intragenerationelle Auseinandersetzungen sowie die Bedeutung von Ver- wandtschaft bei Amtswechseln, Bamberg , p.

The Dilemma of Domi- nance, dans: